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Comparative Education Bulletin - Faculty of Education - The ...

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China’s development model is very different from the current<br />

development discourse <strong>of</strong> the West. For example, the Bretton-<br />

Woods institutions have established a set <strong>of</strong> recommendations (and<br />

in many cases, loan conditionalities) setting the economic path for<br />

developing countries. <strong>The</strong> World Bank, International Monetary Fund<br />

and World Trade Organization, in particular, have been criticized for<br />

the propagation <strong>of</strong> a market-based development approach, <strong>of</strong>tencalled<br />

market fundamentalism, neoliberalism, or the “Washington<br />

Consensus”. <strong>The</strong> Washington Consensus, based on the Hayekinspired<br />

economic policies <strong>of</strong> Thatcher and Reagan in the 1980s,<br />

promotes fiscal discipline, financial liberalization, tax reform (including<br />

cutting marginal taxes), and generally the privatization <strong>of</strong> social<br />

services. Its fundamental idea is that unhindered market exchanges<br />

provide the driving force <strong>of</strong> economic growth. Neoliberalism and the<br />

Washington Consensus were criticized for their undesirable effects, e.g.,<br />

deregulation and privatization led to less public expenditure for health<br />

and education.<br />

A second Consensus, reached at the 1998 Summit <strong>of</strong> the Americas<br />

in Santiago, Chile, recognized the existence <strong>of</strong> market failure and<br />

the need for government intervention in certain sectors. <strong>The</strong> shift<br />

from the Washington to the Santiago Consensus (or Post-Washington<br />

Consensus) was, however, superficial, insomuch as development was<br />

still envisioned as market-based, although it was acknowledged that<br />

there is a role for government involvement, especially in public health<br />

and education.<br />

China, not adopting the neoliberal cooperation discourse <strong>of</strong> the<br />

West, has followed a path that, in view <strong>of</strong> the country’s spectacular<br />

economic growth, has been hailed as illustrating a third model, the<br />

“Beijing Consensus”. This development strategy is, according to<br />

Joshua C. Ramo <strong>of</strong> the Foreign Policy Centre (who coined the term <strong>of</strong><br />

“Beijing Consensus”), based on three pillars, which include innovationand<br />

knowledge-led growth, a focus on the quality <strong>of</strong> life (instead<br />

<strong>of</strong> economic performance), and self determination (Ramo, 2004).<br />

China’s government <strong>of</strong>ficially denies the existence <strong>of</strong> a Beijing model<br />

(Sautman and Yan, 2006). However, Chinese academic economists tout<br />

the superiority <strong>of</strong> the Beijing Consensus as opposed to Washington’<br />

s neoliberal model (Zhang, 2004; Huang and Cui, 2005; and Wang,<br />

2005). Also, observers reckon that the Chinese government needs other<br />

nations buy in to its world-view and in particular to its international<br />

agenda <strong>of</strong> a “Peaceful Rise” (Ramo, 2004).<br />

One <strong>of</strong> the means China can use to propagate its development<br />

views is through the International Poverty Reduction Centre in<br />

China (IPRCC). In 2005, the government and the UNDP set up this<br />

centre with the aim <strong>of</strong> gathering and distributing lessons on poverty<br />

47

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