MGNREGA_SAMEEKSHA
MGNREGA_SAMEEKSHA
MGNREGA_SAMEEKSHA
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104 Bibliography<br />
some extent, in shortening the out-migration period of some migrants. However, due to low realisation of wage amount,<br />
unavailability of employment for a longer period of time and uncertainty of starting of <strong>MGNREGA</strong> works, many members of<br />
beneficiary households preferred to migrate to other places without waiting to start <strong>MGNREGA</strong> works in their own village.<br />
Food consumption of <strong>MGNREGA</strong> beneficiaries was better compared to NSSO data of year 2005. In asset creation, the quality<br />
of assets created was either poor or moderate, due to lack of proper planning and maintenance. Assets became non-useful in a<br />
short period but more than 90 per cent of respondents perceived them as being useful to village community. They also felt that<br />
<strong>MGNREGA</strong> provides opportunity for infrastructural development of the village.<br />
Shankar, S., and R. Gaiha, ‘Networks and Anti-Poverty Programs: The NREG Experience’, ASARC Working Papers<br />
2011–05, Canberra: Australia South Asia Research Centre, 2011.<br />
Abstract: Governments struggle with the reality that the beneficiaries of anti-poverty programmes are powerless to influence<br />
policies and stem the possibility of capture of benefits by the non-poor. Networks—social and political—are supposed to increase<br />
the ability of the less powerful to access their entitlements. The paper assesses whether socially and politically networked<br />
households do, in fact, have better awareness of the components of the programme and of the processes of decision-making,<br />
and whether such networking makes them more likely to vocalise their dissatisfaction when their entitlements are threatened.<br />
India’s national rural employment guarantee scheme’s (NREG) institutional design (mandating village assemblies to authorise<br />
decisions on the projects) makes it a good test case. The results show that links to social and political networks do significantly<br />
increase the awareness of the villagers on the programme’s components and enhances their ability to seek redress of their<br />
grievances.<br />
Shariff, A., ‘Assessment of Outreach and Benefits of National Rural Employment Guarantee Scheme in India’, Indian Journal<br />
of Labour Economics, vol. 52, no. 2, 2009, pp. 243–68.<br />
Abstract: This paper analyses official statistics and survey data from seven northern States. The future of NREGA is strongly<br />
linked to the cherished national goal to strengthen and broad base decentralisation of local governance. But there are wide<br />
variations amongst the States not only in the level of decentralisation but also in the capacity to implement such a large scheme<br />
and lack of convergence amongst relevant government departments and functionaries. NREGA has the potential to address<br />
both sustenance of income and enhance the social welfare of households in rural areas.<br />
Sharma, A. ‘Rights-based Legal Guarantee as Development Policy: A Discussion on the Mahatma Gandhi National Rural<br />
Employment Guarantee Act (<strong>MGNREGA</strong>’), New Delhi: UNDP, 2010.<br />
Abstract: The paper seeks to critically examine Mahatma Gandhi National Rural Employment Guarantee Act (<strong>MGNREGA</strong>)<br />
as a Rights-based legal framework for guaranteeing basic livelihood security to rural households. The main concern of the paper<br />
is to examine the legal design and policy innovations and the extent to which they facilitate the fulfilment of the objectives of<br />
the Act. The issues discussed in the context of <strong>MGNREGA</strong> as a Rights-based law may be pertinent to policy formulation in<br />
other development contexts. In examining the rights-based framework of <strong>MGNREGA</strong>, the following questions arise: (i) What<br />
Rights are being recognised? (ii) What are the processes for realising them? Are these feasible? (iii) What obligations are created<br />
by such processes upon the State and the citizen? (iv) What are the challenges to the administrative systems in implementing<br />
programmes governed by legal frameworks? (v) What kinds of negotiations are possible to balance the mandatory nature of<br />
law and the flexibility desired of a development programme.<br />
The discussion of <strong>MGNREGA</strong> in terms of its design and key factors that constrain and facilitate the achievement of its<br />
objectives engages with these questions, suggesting possibilities of reviewing some aspects of the Act as well as hoping to offer<br />
insights to similar policy exercises.<br />
<strong>MGNREGA</strong> belongs to a long history of wage employment programmes. The most significant features of the <strong>MGNREGA</strong> are<br />
that it creates a rights-based framework and that it is a law. Backed by political will and adequate budget resources from the<br />
Government of India, the implementation of the Act has yielded encouraging results, despite uneven performance across the<br />
country. Initial studies vindicate its effect in augmenting employment, increasing wage earnings, stemming distress migration,<br />
enhancing productivity and promoting equity, especially gender equity. The way ahead is to (i) build capacity of the system to<br />
deliver a legal guarantee (ii) develop capabilities of the people to demand rights and hold the Government accountable (iii)<br />
revisit the Act to make it an instrument for more sustainable development.<br />
Siddhartha, and A. Vanaik, ‘Findings from a Survey in Himachal Pradesh’, in Battle for Employment Guarantee, ed. R.<br />
Khera, New Delhi: Oxford University Press, 2011, pp. 201–20.