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Preventive Action for Refugee Producing Situations

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72 Chapter 3<br />

In addition to Suhrke's concern, humanitarian organizations and individuals<br />

devoted to helping with the results of social change - refugees -<br />

complain that states pursue their interests without much regard to whether<br />

their action produces refugees and what could become of them. 134<br />

We organized situations that generate refugees into two main categories:<br />

First, people are made refugees, internal or external, through the actions<br />

of those who hold political power over them. This exercise of authority<br />

usually has ulterior motives in a political strife. The recent history of<br />

Vietnam and Central America falls under this category. Second, the<br />

people themselves initiate resistance to policies of their rulers. Their quest<br />

<strong>for</strong> social change may put them at risk of persecution, torture, or even<br />

death, as <strong>for</strong> example in Chile.<br />

This study conceptualizes international preventive action <strong>for</strong> the first<br />

category. <strong>Preventive</strong> action <strong>for</strong> the second category of situations seems<br />

inappropriate because<br />

to avert flows would be the equivalent of trying to oppose social change.<br />

In the aggregate, this of course is impossible; in particular cases it may be<br />

undesirable. To stifle change may freeze a repressive social order or<br />

contribute to systemic social inequalities. 135<br />

Civil strife, wars of liberation movements, revolutionary movements in<br />

semi-feudal societies, and violent resistance to oppressive, totalitarian regimes<br />

may all be necessary to bring about social or political change. No<br />

doubt, in these situations the flight of certain activists is both crucial to<br />

the success of the quest <strong>for</strong> change and indispensable to save their lives.<br />

_______________________<br />

134 Louis Wiesner said: "The U.S. Forces went on generating refugees in<br />

Vietnam with little regard to what would become of them." Victims and<br />

Survivors, Draft of last chapter, p. 598, <strong>for</strong>thcoming, (New York:<br />

Greenwood Press, 1988).<br />

135 Zolberg et al, Escape from Violence, Ch. 10, p. 10. There might be<br />

circumstances where violent change is a necessary process toward a more<br />

just social order. With the rationale of stressing "law and order" and<br />

national security concerns, many regimes have been legitimizing repressive<br />

and and arbitrary actions against their citizens (Chile, Paraguay, Greece,<br />

German Democratic Republic, Soviet Union, Vietnam).<br />

3.1.1.1. Flight, tolerable price to death?<br />

Analytical Discussion 73<br />

Is leaving the country where conditions have became unbearable <strong>for</strong> an<br />

individual or group always inevitable? Not necessarily. Two primary factors<br />

determine whether flight is feasible at all: the availability of refuge and the<br />

likelihood of safe escape.<br />

On the one hand, if people have no place to go, which is largely determined<br />

by the governmental policies of receiver countries, they will not leave. (This<br />

does not, however, mean that governments or other <strong>for</strong>ces are influenced in<br />

their persecution or human rights violations by whether there is a place <strong>for</strong><br />

their oppressed citizens to escape to or not.)<br />

[T]he availability of a place of refuge may in some cases determine whether<br />

persecution wül lead to the <strong>for</strong>mation of a refugee flow or to some other<br />

outcome, such as mass murder, which can be thought of as a <strong>for</strong>m of extreme<br />

persecution that does not produce refugees. 136<br />

A case in point would be the conditions in Kampuchea under the Pol Pot<br />

regime: though a few managed to escape into bordering Vietnam and Thailand,<br />

the treatment of the people did not result in a massive outflow but rather in<br />

mass murder, which is well documented.<br />

Second, the ability to leave the country that engages in persecution<br />

determines whether there will be an outflow or not. Even if governmental<br />

policies of other states make available entry visas to those who seek to flee,<br />

they may not be able to leave and avail themselves of the offer. 137<br />

_______________________<br />

136 Zolberg refers to the case of the European Jews during the Nazi era, and submits that<br />

undoubtedly the original objective of the Nazis with respect to Jews in Germany, and later<br />

within the Europe they controlled, was expulsion, and that it was the unwillingness of<br />

liberal democracies to take in Jewish refugees that fostered the shift to the "Final Solution."<br />

See Aristide R. Zolberg and Astri Suhrke, "International Factors in the Formation of<br />

<strong>Refugee</strong> Movements," International Migra tion Review 20, No. 2 (1986), p. 154.<br />

137 Examples of these cases would be Soviet Jews who had a place of refuge in either Israel or<br />

the USA, but until a few years ago were unable to get to it According to the US Department<br />

of State, 1987 saw some change in the Soviet handling of dis sidents. Jewish, ethnic German,<br />

and Armenian emigration increased markedly, in contrast to the last several years. The<br />

Department also states: "In January new Soviet regulations <strong>for</strong> travel abroad went into effect<br />

In making family reunification the only legal basis <strong>for</strong> emigration, the regulation codified<br />

Moscow's long-standing refusal to recognize the right to leave, a right included in the<br />

Universal Declaration of Human Rights which was incorporated into the Helsinki Act. U.S.<br />

Department of State, Country Reports on Human Rights and Practices <strong>for</strong> 1987,<br />

(Washington, D.C.: U.S. Govt Printing Office, 1988). See also Natan Sharansky,

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