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Preventive Action for Refugee Producing Situations

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124 Chapter 3 Analytical Discussion 125<br />

The dearth of roads and communication infrastructures in the Mosquitia,<br />

which basically consists of one road and otherwise rivers, has created one<br />

of the most difficult challenges <strong>for</strong> UNHCR to monitor and attempt to<br />

prevent <strong>for</strong>ced recruitment. Those Miskitos successfully blocked from<br />

voluntary repatriation and unable to reach out to UNHC <strong>for</strong> assistance<br />

have been in serious danger of being <strong>for</strong>cibly recruited Indian contra<br />

groups. This problem started when the first refuge wanted to return after<br />

the amnesty in 1983, and remains acute today.<br />

UNHCR has worked on confidence-building measures among those<br />

who wished simply to live in peace and work the land made available to<br />

them through the government of Honduras <strong>for</strong> self-sufficiency projects;<br />

but since UNHCR is perceived as an "enemy" of KISAN, refugees who<br />

were cooperating with UNHCR in its assistance programs have tended<br />

suffer consequences. The large numbers of women with small children<br />

who were left behind in the refugee locations suggested that many male<br />

and single females were taken <strong>for</strong> <strong>for</strong>ced labor or even thrust into zones<br />

of combat.<br />

Concluding remarks<br />

As a human rights worker put it, KISAN and its U.S. advisors cynically<br />

relied on UNHCR and intended to instrumentalize the good offices of<br />

UNHCR to take care of the refugees they created. Their manipulation of<br />

international relief organizations was a shameful waste of precious and<br />

limited international relief resources, as well as a misuse of UNHCR,<br />

which was not designed to care <strong>for</strong> make-believe refugees - that is,<br />

arbitrarily generated ones. Miskitos and other indigenous groups who<br />

were pushed into Honduras at Easter 1986 had well-founded fears of<br />

persecution by KISAN if they refused to let themselves become refugees.<br />

These persons were more in danger where they were going than in the<br />

country from which they supposedly fled: the danger came from the<br />

guenillas who presumably were fighting <strong>for</strong> them. 285<br />

It is not UNHCR's usual task to involve itself in the causes that make<br />

people gravitate toward refugee camps. It might, however, have been<br />

possible to provide U.N. and non-U.N. policymakers with a more com-<br />

prehensive analysis of the motives and to offer recommendations on how to<br />

confront the Spring 1986 influx. Of course, UNHCR is operating in<br />

Honduras in a highly sensitive context. If the Office was unable or unwilling<br />

to make a more systematic collection of in<strong>for</strong>mation, concerning the<br />

causes of the announced movement <strong>for</strong> early analysis and action, UNHCR<br />

might have been able to indicate these problems in a general manner to<br />

researchers from public interest organizations, such as Cultural Survival, or<br />

experts on indigenous people, so as to establish the facts in an objective and<br />

reliable manner. That way UNHCR would not be directly associated with<br />

the investigation; in any event, it would not need to pass judgment on the<br />

result of these findings or on those responsible <strong>for</strong> the acts committed.<br />

UNHCR might have been in a good position to express its concern about<br />

the impending situation, in the interest of the persons <strong>for</strong> whom it was<br />

expected to provide protection from the authorities. If UNHCR had been<br />

prepared to take preventive action, its resources of international<br />

humanitarian assistance would not have been used to maintainigroups of<br />

people who would probably not have received it under different circumstances.<br />

Apart from sparing UNHCR's energies, it is likely that many of the<br />

8,000 Nicaraguan Indians who entered UNHCR's refugee location<br />

subsequent to the initial interviews would not have needed to cross the<br />

border. A proof <strong>for</strong> this assumption is that approximately 8,000 of the "new<br />

refugees" wanted to go back to Nicaragua after having barely arrived with<br />

the Spring 1986 influx. 286 Many of them stated that they had not wanted to<br />

come into Honduras, and decided to spontaneously return across the border.<br />

Those who were impeded by KISAN or preferred to repatriate officially<br />

under the auspices of UNHCR did so, which brought the figure <strong>for</strong> 1986<br />

UNHCR assisted repatriations to 1,714. With better facilities in place, and<br />

negotiations between the Nicaraguan, Honduran, and UNHCR authorities<br />

successfully concluded in a tripartite agreement allowing <strong>for</strong> large-scale<br />

repatriations, the UNHCR assisted repatriation figures <strong>for</strong> Miskitos and<br />

Sumos jumped to 3,873 in 1987, and to 7,994 during the first nine months of<br />

1988. 287<br />

The High Commissioner himself and, if necessary, the UN Secretary-<br />

General should have been kept better in<strong>for</strong>med of the situation in a direct<br />

and continuous manner. They might have wanted to arrange <strong>for</strong> more<br />

War By Both Sides in Nicaragua In 1987," (Washington,D.C. November 1987),<br />

p. 52<br />

285 Interview with anonymous human rights worker, on the handfile of the<br />

author, p.<br />

________________________<br />

286 The New York Times, 18 April 1987.<br />

287 UNHCR, "Comparative Repatriation Statistics in Central America and<br />

Mexico," Jan.-Dec. 1987, Jan-Sept. 1987, Jan-Sept 1988, October 1988/AW.

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