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Preventive Action for Refugee Producing Situations

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114 Chapter 3<br />

practically from the time of their arrival in the Spring of 1986, wanted to<br />

return to Nicaragua. Thousands of them did so spontaneously by crossing<br />

the Coco river, where KISAN (a successor group to MISURA, affiliated<br />

with the Union Nicaraguense de oposicion, UNO) prevented them from<br />

doing so, they sought the assistance of UNHCR.25 6 Since 1986, 13,501<br />

Miskitos and Sumos have sought UNHCR's assistance in returning<br />

The 1986 influx<br />

a) "Early warnings" signals and interviews to substantiate the signals.<br />

Early in<strong>for</strong>mation received and collected from Miskito Indians newly arrived<br />

at the refugee locations suggested by January 1986 that entire<br />

villages on the Nicaraguan side of the Coco River were being prepared <strong>for</strong><br />

displacement into Honduras on day X. In an attempt to substantiate this<br />

early warning in<strong>for</strong>mation, a fact-finding mission to the Honduran<br />

Mosquitia in mid-February 1896 was dispatched with the objective of<br />

examining the nature and potential implications of the refugee movements<br />

of the previous few months.<br />

__________________<br />

December 31,1987: 13,115 September 30,1988: 9,383(*)<br />

Documents of In<strong>for</strong>mation: HCR/HON/2/86/E April 1986 (<strong>for</strong> December<br />

1983-June 1986) and HCR/HON/2/88, April 1988 (<strong>for</strong> December 1986-<br />

April 1988). (*) The statistics <strong>for</strong> the September 1988 data are from<br />

UNHCR, "Numbers of <strong>Refugee</strong>s as of 30 September 1988", Table 2,<br />

Geneva, 1988.<br />

256 On December 1,1983, the Nicaraguan government decreed a general<br />

amnesty <strong>for</strong> the Miskitos, see OAS Report, op. cit., p.130, on the basis of<br />

which UNHCR facilitated voluntary repatriation to Nicaragua. After<br />

publicly admitting mistakes in its Atlantic Coast policy, the Nicaraguan<br />

government began to emphasize negotiation over warfare, permitted people<br />

to return to their original communities, and initiated discussions concerning<br />

autonomy of the Atlantic Coast. The voluntary repatriation ef<strong>for</strong>ts were,<br />

however, greatly hindered by the Indian contra organizations, as will be seen<br />

later in this section. But since mid-1986 the stream of repatriates continued<br />

to increase, enhanced by an "air bridge" to carry repatriates from Puerta<br />

Lempira in Honduras to Puerta Cabeza in Nicaragua, which had been<br />

arranged after lenghty negotiations between the governments of Honduras<br />

and Nicaragua and UNHCR. See Hansruedi Peplinski and Martin Diskin,<br />

Report of the ICVA Mosquitia Mission [ICVA — International Council of<br />

Voluntary Agencies], June 9,1987, p. 2.<br />

257 UNHCR statistics as of 1 October 1988.<br />

Analytical Discussion 115<br />

Out of the 1,859 new arrivals in Honduras between 15 December 1985<br />

and 28 February 1986, 258 808 persons were interviewed. More than half -<br />

446 - had entered the refugee locations directly from Nicaragua; 311 had<br />

arrived from the border area; and 51 were returning from the border area<br />

after having already been in the refugee locations.<br />

All the interviewees were asked to state the main reason they had come to<br />

the refugee locations in Honduras. Of the new arrivals from Nicaragua<br />

58% cited lack of food and medicine as a primary factor,<br />

30% wished to visit family living in Honduras; and 12%<br />

feared possible conflicts where they were living.<br />

Among new arrivals from the Honduran border region:<br />

50% indicated lack of food and medicine as a factor; 20%<br />

feared possible conflicts; 25% wished "not to be left behind";<br />

and259 5% wished to visit family in Honduras.<br />

Those reentering UNHCR refugee locations from the Honduran border,<br />

however, unanimously cited lack of food, medicine, and clothes as their<br />

chief motive <strong>for</strong> returning to the refugee sites.<br />

These statistics must, of course, be taken with a grain of salt For one<br />

thing, the questionnaires had to be designed in a neutral manner, and<br />

there<strong>for</strong>e could not include questions that would elicit responses of a political<br />

nature. Second, even though three different rooms were set up in<br />

which to conduct interview, the lack of privacy inherent in lining up refugees<br />

<strong>for</strong> center-based interviews exposed them to pressure and coaching.<br />

In retrospect, it would have been better to conduct random interviews in<br />

their huts. In addition, establishing the accuracy of translations was a<br />

problem. Although the refugees who served as interpreters were known to<br />

UNHCR, it was hard to determine to what extent they themselves were<br />

subject to pressure and threats by KISAN. Despite these shortcomings,<br />

however, the interviews were valuable <strong>for</strong> several reasons. First, they<br />

provided first quantifiable data on the interviewed group. Second, through<br />

in<strong>for</strong>mal discussions with the interviewees after finishing the<br />

_____________________<br />

258 Americas Watch, "With the Miskitos in Honduras," p. 10.<br />

259 This new category emerged among this group during the interviews.

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