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From Leaving CertiFiCate to Leaving SChooL a Longitudinal Study ...

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218<br />

<strong>From</strong> <strong>Leaving</strong> Certificate <strong>to</strong> <strong>Leaving</strong> School<br />

(Post-<strong>Leaving</strong> Certificate (PLC) courses); only a small number of young<br />

people planned <strong>to</strong> enter the labour market immediately upon leaving<br />

school. In keeping with actual patterns of higher education entry (McCoy<br />

et al., 2010), there is a clear social gradient in the percentage who intend<br />

<strong>to</strong> go on <strong>to</strong> higher education, with significantly higher rates of intended<br />

participation among those from professional or farming backgrounds.<br />

Over and above the effect of individual social background, young people<br />

who attend working-class schools are less much likely <strong>to</strong> plan <strong>to</strong> go <strong>to</strong><br />

higher education than those in mixed or middle-class schools, even controlling<br />

for prior achievement and other fac<strong>to</strong>rs. Gender patterns are also<br />

evident with females twice as likely <strong>to</strong> plan <strong>to</strong> go on <strong>to</strong> higher education<br />

as males from similar backgrounds. The patterns in relation <strong>to</strong> other<br />

forms of post-school education are highly gendered <strong>to</strong>o, with young men<br />

planning on entering apprenticeships and young women planning <strong>to</strong> do<br />

PLC courses.<br />

Chapter One outlined potential explanations for class differences in<br />

higher education entry, contrasting theories which focus on differential<br />

access <strong>to</strong> cultural, social and financial resources (social reproduction<br />

theory; see, for example, Bourdieu, 1984) with theories which look at<br />

how young people assess the relative costs and benefits of the different<br />

post-school options (rational action theory; see, for example, Erikson and<br />

Jonsson, 1996). Both sets of theories provide insights <strong>to</strong> our findings but<br />

our study points <strong>to</strong> a number of fac<strong>to</strong>rs which are not always considered<br />

within these frameworks, namely, the role of the school, the kinds of information<br />

and advice available <strong>to</strong> students, and students’ own preferences<br />

and plans.<br />

The study findings clearly show that sixth year students differ in the<br />

cultural and social resources necessary <strong>to</strong> support the transition <strong>to</strong> college,<br />

in keeping with social reproduction theory (see Bourdieu, 1984).<br />

Students in the more middle-class schools draw on the insider knowledge<br />

of siblings and other family members in finding out about colleges<br />

and courses. In contrast, working-class students, whose families have no<br />

his<strong>to</strong>ry of higher education entry, are more reliant on advice from school<br />

personnel and on their friends in making a decision. However, some of<br />

these students reported that staff, including guidance counsellors, had

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