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From Leaving CertiFiCate to Leaving SChooL a Longitudinal Study ...

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6<br />

<strong>From</strong> <strong>Leaving</strong> Certificate <strong>to</strong> <strong>Leaving</strong> School<br />

for later access <strong>to</strong> education, training and employment (Eurydice, 2009).<br />

In the Irish context, young people with a <strong>Leaving</strong> Certificate qualification<br />

have better access <strong>to</strong> post-school education and training as well as <strong>to</strong><br />

high-quality, better paid employment than those with Junior Certificate<br />

or no qualifications (Smyth and McCoy, 2009). Even among those taking<br />

the <strong>Leaving</strong> Certificate exam, higher grades are associated with entry<br />

<strong>to</strong> third-level education, particularly <strong>to</strong> courses associated with the élite<br />

professions, a smoother transition <strong>to</strong> employment, and greater access <strong>to</strong><br />

white-collar jobs (Byrne et al., 2008).<br />

The consequences of high stakes testing have been the subject of<br />

considerable debate. Some researchers argue that national tests based on<br />

centrally set procedures are necessary <strong>to</strong> ensure that the performance of<br />

individual students (and schools) are readily comparable (Grodsky et al.,<br />

2008). Others maintain that tests can lead <strong>to</strong> positive individual learning<br />

experiences and educational outcomes (Braun, 2004; Williamson,<br />

Bondy, Langley and Maine, 2005). Tests are seen as providing students<br />

with information about their own acquired knowledge which can be<br />

compared <strong>to</strong> that of their peers and the national average.<br />

In contrast, a large body of research has emerged, especially in the<br />

US, which points <strong>to</strong> the unintended consequences of high stakes testing<br />

on student performance, engagement in school, and teaching and learning<br />

(Airasian and Madaus, 1983; Madaus, 1988), access <strong>to</strong> college<br />

(Perna and Thomas, 2008; Hill 2008), and the reproduction of gender<br />

and social class inequalities (Grodsky, Warren and Felts, 2008; Diamond<br />

and Spillane, 2004). One of the main areas of research in relation <strong>to</strong> high<br />

stakes testing is on the extent <strong>to</strong> which these tests influence what knowledge<br />

is taught, the form in which it is taught, and how it is taught (Au,<br />

2010). Many studies have shown that in a high stakes environment extensive<br />

time is given by teachers <strong>to</strong> exam preparation, which results in a<br />

narrowing of the curriculum and fragmentation of subject knowledge<br />

through the neglect of subject content not included in exams (Shephard<br />

and Dougherty, 1991; Au, 2007). A decline in instructional time for nontested<br />

subjects has also been demonstrated in other studies (Stecher,<br />

2002) with an increasing amount of time devoted <strong>to</strong> practice tests (Jones<br />

et al., 1999). Critics argue that high stakes examinations reduce the<br />

breadth of the curriculum by emphasising only subjects and dimensions

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