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2i8
VIOLENCE AND THE LABOR MOVEMENT
isted in all countries when efforts have been made to
crush the labor movement.
And in all countries where such conditions exist certain
minds immediately clamor for what is called "action."
They want to answer violence with violence ; they
want to respond to the terrorism of the Government with
a terrorism of their own. And in Germany at this time
there were a number who argued that, as they were in
fact outlaws, why should they not adopt the tactics of
outlaws Should men peaceably and quietly submit to
every insult and every tyranny— form of to be thrown
in for jail speaking the dictates of their conscience and
even to be hung for preaching to their comrades the
necessity of a nobler and better social order If Bismarck
and his police forces have the power to outlaw us,
of outlaws
have we not the right to exercise the tactics
"All measures," cried Most from London, "are legitimate
against tyrants;" (27) while Hasselmann, his
friend, advised an immediate insurrection, which, even
though it should fail, would be good propaganda. It
was inevitable that in the early moments of despair some
of the German workers should have listened gladly to
such proposals. And, indeed, it may seem somewhat of
number of the German workers
a miracle that any large
should have been willing to have listened to any other
means of action. What indeed else was there to do
It is too long a story to go into the discussions over
this question. Perhaps a principle of Bebel's gives the
clearest explanation of the thought which eventually decided
the tactics of the socialists. Bebel has said many
times that he always considered it wise in politics to find
out what his opponent wanted him to do, and then not
to do it. And, to the minds of Bebel, Liebknecht, and
others of the more clear-headed leaders, there was no