Untitled

34 VIOLENCE AND THE LABOR MOVEMENT
. . . I
beg you to reclaim them in my name. You will
send them to me when you have recovered them." (13)
As a matter of fact, it was at the instance of his follower,
Ozerof, that Bakounin was finally delivered.
When he came forth from the Hotel de Ville, the Committee
of Safety of France and its thousands of sympathizers
had disappeared, and he found himself practically
alone. He spent the night at the house of a friend, and
departed for Marseilles the next day, after writing the
following letter to Palix: "My dear friend, I do not
wish to leave Lyons without having said a last word of
farewell to you. Prudence keeps me from coming to
shake hands with you for the last time. I have nothing
more to do here. I came to Lyons to fight or to die
with you. I came because I am profoundly convinced
that the cause of France has become again, at this supreme
hour,
. . . the cause of humanity.
T have
taken part in yesterday's movement, and I have signed
my name to the resolutions of the Committee of Safety
of France, because it is evident to me that, after the
real and certain destruction of all the administrative and
governmental machinery, there is
nothing but the immediate
and revolutionary action of the people which can
save France. . . . The movement of yesterday, if it
had been successful . . . could have saved Lyons
and France. ... I leave Lyons, dear friend, with a
heart full of sadness and somber forebodings. I begin
to think now that it is finished with France. . . .
She will become a viceroyalty of Germany. In place of
her living and real socialism* we shall have the doc-
* Previous to 1848, socialism was used by Robert Owen and
his followers, as well as by many French idealists, to mean
phalansteries, colonies, or other voluntary communal undertakings.
Marx and Engels at first called themselves "commun-