Part II.pdf - MTB-MLE Network

There is a lot of variation in the use of local languages in education, depending on the geographical
area and ethnolinguistic group. There are strong and weak forms of bilingual education, and various
shades in between. In the strong forms, an ethnic language, usually a regional LWC with a long
literate history, is used as the medium of instruction from primary school through high school. In
such programmes, Mandarin is taught as a second language starting from Grade 2 or 3. The balance
between the use of the local and national language differs. Minorities benefiting from strong forms
of bilingual education include Kazakhs, Koreans, Mongolians, Uygurs and Tibetans (Blachford 1997;
Huang 2003; Leclerc 2004d; Stites 1999; Zhou 1992).
The weak forms of bilingual education offer local language instruction in pre-primary education
for a fairly short period of time (6-12 months). After this, the minority children are mainstreamed
with Chinese speaking students. Blachford (1997, 161) calls this type “in name only” bilingual
education. Other examples of the weak forms are cases in which ethnic languages are taught as
a subject at different levels of the educational system (Blachford 1997; Stites 1999; Xiao 1998;
Zhou 1992). The most common local language use in Chinese bilingual education is found in
transitional programmes. Such programmes start with the students’ mother tongue, but as soon as
the students understand Mandarin to some extent, it becomes the main medium of instruction.
The transitional programmes aim to help children learn the national language, but maintenance of
the mother tongue is not seen as important (Blachford 1997; Stites 1999; Xiao 1998; Zhou 1992).
Chinese experience shows, however, that learning achievements of students in bilingual programmes
– even some transitional ones – are better than in Chinese-only education for ethnic minorities
(Blachford 1997, 161; Huang 2003; Xiao 1998, 230).
Common difficulties faced in the use of local languages in China include: a lack of writing systems;
a lack of qualified minority language teachers; a lack of texts and materials in minority languages;
translation of textbooks from Chinese into minority languages without any adaptation; rapid transition
from local languages to Mandarin; and negative attitudes towards the importance and usefulness
of minority language education (Blachford 1997, 161; Cobbey 2003; Huang 2003; Lin 1997; Stites
1999, 95; Zhou 1992, 43). Reasons for good progress in bilingual education endeavours in China
include: positive and progressive approaches to bilingual education by local authorities, strong
support of academics, and the major role of minority communities in curriculum development and
materials production.
Many minority languages of Southwest China or related varieties are spoken in South-East Asia,
as well. In this region, there are documented examples of well-established programmes of bilingual
education and mother-tongue literacy. Some of them are allegedly strong forms of bilingual education,
as with Bai, Dai, Jingpo, Naxi, Zhuang and Yi languages (APPEAL 2001; Huang 2003; Jernudd
1999; Liu 2000). In practice, however, few such efforts continue today, and in many “bilingual
programmes,” the local language component is weak (Blachford 1997, 162-163). For example,
the bilingual education for the Bai cited in the literature has not been continued, except in a very
limited way to help older elementary school students improve their essay writing (L. Billard, pers.
comm. 2004). However, plans to implement a new bilingual project amongst the Bai are underway.
Very promising are recent experiences among the Dong (or Kam) of Guizhou Province. A
nine-year pilot programme of bilingual education launched in 2000 uses Dong and Mandarin, starting
with two years of preschool in which only Dong is used. Mandarin is introduced in primary school,
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