Names of Cereals in the Turkic Languages - Wydział Filologiczny UJ

Corn || kokoroz 25contra: SEJPVery unlikely. Would require an assumption that the name for ‘corn’ only cameinto existence after its grain had been acquired in some way, and used to lurebirds while shouting (why?) kukuru. Apart from the above, it is not known whichlanguage the proposition refers to.5. = ? Alb. kúqur ‘baked; roasted’ or = ? Alb. kókërr ‘1. grain of pea; 2. berry’pro: Bańkowski 2000Kókërr (< kokë ‘head; bulb; berry; grain’; Orel 1998) seems to be more probable,but as a source of borrowing, rather than an equivalent. It also has, however,a very likely Slav. proposition (see below), this coincidence should probablybe regarded as accidental. What is important, though, is the idea proposedby Bańkowski 2000 that the word might have been borrowed via two routes(see below).SEJP suggests that the word should be derived from PSlav. *kokor-, a reduplicated formof *kor- (> *korenь), such as bóbr, gogołka or popiół; cf. also kąkol ‘corncockle (Agrostemmagithago) 17 ’ and kuklik ‘Geum urbanum L.’ 18 . In the Slav. languages there are very manynames of plants with a very similar sounding, cf. e.g. Bulg. kukurják || Cz. kokořík ||LSorb. kokrik || Pol. kokornak, kokorycz || Slvk. kokorík, kukurík || Ukr. kokorička || USorb.kokorac (more examples e.g. in SEJP s.v. kokornak). The semantic basis were most probablycurly (crooked?) leaves or tendrils, or some kind of curls or ‘locks’ characteristic of thegiven plant (cf. Machek 1968; SEJP). Cf. Slav.S. kukurjav ‘curly(-headed)’ 19 .We believe that PSlav. *kor- ‘bent’ can with quite a high degree of probability beaccepted as the root of our word: cf. also Russ.dial. kokóra ‘trunk […] together with acrooked root […]’, Hung.dial. kukora ‘crooked; bent; […]’ 20 , and Pol. and others krzywy‘crooked’, maybe also Lat. curvus.Many Slavists point out phonetical difficulties. Two routes of borrowing, proposedby Bańkowski 2000, seem to offer the best explanation. Only instead of the Alb. etymons,we would rather assume native Slav. names either shifted from another similarplant, or neologisms created in the same way as the already existing names. Presumably,some of the forms may be explained by a contamination of two (or more?) forms (forPol., cf. Bańkowski 2000).17 NB: Probably also Hung. kankalék ‘primrose’ (in the same way as konkoly ‘corncockle’) is a borrowingfrom the Slav. languages – against EWU, where it is regarded as an ‘Abl[eitung] auseinem fiktiven Stamm, Entstehungsweise aber unbest[immt]’. Cf. also Lith. kãnkalas ‘(little)bell, something clanging’ (Spólnik 1990: 64).18 From Cz., where it meant among others ‘monk’s hood’; cf. Spólnik 1990: 84, though anunclear expression.19 Also Hung. kökürü ‘curly(-headed)’, which probably from the Slav. languages, too – againstEWU, where it is derived from kukora ‘crooked, bent, […]’, which is an ‘Abl[eitung] aus einemrelativen fiktiven Stamm’.20 See footnotes 17–19. Cf. Pol. kąkol ‘corncockle (Agrostemma githago)’ of a very similar structure.