in <strong>the</strong> consciousness-raising groups did not lead to organisation and politicalaction. Besides, <strong>the</strong> <strong>the</strong>rapeutic element in <strong>the</strong> groups could function in such away as to directly hamper political action. Never<strong>the</strong>less, in April 1979, a radicalfeminist workshop was held at <strong>the</strong> White Lion Free School. Here, as in manyo<strong>the</strong>r feminist spaces during this epoch, <strong>the</strong> notion of consciousness-raisingwas brought up for discussion. On this occasion, <strong>the</strong> speakers commentedupon <strong>the</strong> problem that consciousness-raising so easily resulted in what wasa merely “confidence-raising exercise”. 23 Still <strong>the</strong> agreement was, none<strong>the</strong>less,that consciousness-raising should continue to be <strong>the</strong> base for <strong>the</strong> movementand <strong>the</strong> speakers emphasized <strong>the</strong> importance of consciousness-raising groups.They urged that “all members of Women’s Liberation should be in an initialCR [consciousness-raising] group and should continue <strong>with</strong> it as long as <strong>the</strong>ycontinue to identify <strong>with</strong> <strong>the</strong> Women’s Liberation Movement.” 24 Alreadyduring its hey-day, consciousness-raising was thus strongly connected <strong>with</strong> its<strong>the</strong>rapeutical function, and this was a function that was difficult to exceed.Indeed, I do believe that <strong>the</strong> (mis)conceptions that occurred during ourintensive program, where <strong>the</strong> memory work exercise was taken for a <strong>the</strong>rapeuticsession, reveals <strong>the</strong> deep embeddedness of <strong>the</strong> idea that experience-basedwork has a <strong>the</strong>rapeutic function that can liberate us from oppression. Buteven though this might be valid for <strong>the</strong> way experiences were handled in <strong>the</strong>consciousness-raising sessions, this must not be true for all experience-basedwork. The resistance to <strong>the</strong> method (“This is not <strong>the</strong>rapy!”) was a complexresistance, however, as first of all it can be seen, by way of association, as areconstruction of a connection between experience-based work and <strong>the</strong>rapy.The division between <strong>the</strong>ory and experience-based work, in return,is a well-known division among academic <strong>feminists</strong>, in which <strong>the</strong>oreticalwork is seen as “abstract and rational and male” and experience is representedas “practical and emotional and female”. 25 Here, experience-based work isidentified <strong>with</strong> <strong>the</strong> working methods of <strong>the</strong> women’s movement in <strong>the</strong> 1960sand 1970s, i.e. to consciousness-raising. Defenders of this division oftenmourn <strong>the</strong> loss of those working methods, and, in a nostalgic vein, express23Amanda Sebastien, “Tendencies in <strong>the</strong> movement.Then and now. (Paper prepared for <strong>the</strong> Radical Feminist DayWorkshop at White Lion Free School, April 8, 1979).24Gail Chester, “I Call Myself a Radical Feminist”, (paper prepared for <strong>the</strong> Radical Feminist Day Workshop atWhite Lion Free School, April 8, 1979).25Diana Mulinari, “Learning to teach feminism(s)”, in Undervisning i kvinno- och könsforskning i Norden. (rapportfrån symposium i Stockholm, Forum för kvinnoforskning, Stockholms universitet, 28-29 September 1998, Stockholm),42, 46.84
<strong>the</strong>ir distress over <strong>the</strong> successful institutionalisation of women’s/gender studiesinto <strong>the</strong> academy. Detached from activism’s political practices and squeezedinto academy’s abstract <strong>the</strong>ory, as it is described, <strong>the</strong> institutionalisation offeminism into <strong>the</strong> academy is said to have shaped <strong>the</strong> subject field into <strong>the</strong>form of a proper academic subject. Nancy A. Naples writes that<strong>the</strong> institutionalization of Women’s Studies in <strong>the</strong> academy constrains <strong>the</strong> developmentof collective political action that characterized <strong>the</strong> CR [consciousnessraising] groups of <strong>the</strong> 1970s. With power differentials between teachers andstudents and among students, and <strong>the</strong> surveillance of Women’s Studies curriculumby bureaucratic bodies <strong>with</strong>in <strong>the</strong> academy, feminist faculty often findit difficult to incorporate <strong>the</strong> ‘commitment to praxis’ in <strong>the</strong>ir classrooms. 26These accounts of pedagogy in women’s/gender studies represent <strong>the</strong> practiceof “academic teaching” as one that builds up hierarchies between <strong>the</strong> studentsand <strong>the</strong> teacher, constructing <strong>the</strong> teacher as an Expert through mechanisms ofauthority. On <strong>the</strong> o<strong>the</strong>r hand, feminist pedagogy is understood as an enterprisewhose goal it is to develop “a critical consciousness”, to empower <strong>the</strong> studentsand provide <strong>the</strong>m <strong>with</strong> “<strong>the</strong> ability to call into question taken-for-granted waysof understanding <strong>the</strong>ir social, political, economic and academic life”. 27 Never<strong>the</strong>less,even if described as apocalyptic by Robyn Wiegman, <strong>the</strong>se accounts offeminist pedagogy are really a form of address that equates feminism <strong>with</strong> <strong>the</strong>feminist struggle of <strong>the</strong> 1960s and 1970s, and which results in a re/productionof divisions between activism, <strong>the</strong>ory and politics. Wiegman writes:Indeed, I want to go so far as to claim […] that any attempt to write movementsubjectivity as <strong>the</strong> field’s origin and reproductive goal is not simply wrongheaded but counterproductive precisely because it generates as a disciplinaryimperative a certain understanding of <strong>the</strong> political (and <strong>with</strong> it <strong>the</strong> relationbetween <strong>the</strong>ory and activism). 28The idea of a split between academy and activism does indeed rest upon adualist understanding of experience-based work versus <strong>the</strong>ory. Accordingly,when <strong>the</strong> students resisted using memory work, which <strong>the</strong>y apprehended26Nancy A. Naples, “Negotiating <strong>the</strong> Politics of Experiential Learning in Women’s Studies: Lessons from <strong>the</strong>Community Action Project”, in Women’s Studies on Its Own, ed. Robyn Wiegman, (Durham and London: DukeUniversity Press, 2002), 387.27Wiegman, 383.28Robyn Wiegman, “Academic Feminist Against Itself”, NWSA Journal 14: 2 (2002), 26.85
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Teaching with the Third WaveNew Fem
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© Åse Bengtsson and Catti Brandel
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“This Is Not Therapy!” 75Un/Exp
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PrefaceThe idea of writing this boo
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IntroductionDaniela Gronold, Brigit
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Brandelius who is portrayed on the
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The institutional context of Women
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The chapters present new feminist e
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IntroductionSecond-wave feminism is
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Second-Wave Feminist Generationalit
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and conflictual ones), and since th
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This allows her to conceptualize a
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The Anglo-American and the French t
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To traverse the classifications of
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ing system without a General and wi
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Let me end this chapter by providin
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A further dimension is knowledge ab
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Teaching materialsSince language is
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and absences, both short term and p
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The cliché cloakroomSometimes it w
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and goatees, later almost all wante
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Presentations from the working grou
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ConclusionTeachers’ self-reflecti
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Mühlen Achs, Gitta. Geschlecht bew
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Milka Metso, PhD Candidate, Univers