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Violence in Nigeria

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several <strong>in</strong>cidences of violence <strong>in</strong>stigated aga<strong>in</strong>st Christians or representations of<br />

Western civilization <strong>in</strong> <strong>Nigeria</strong> tend to receive considerable media <strong>in</strong>terest and<br />

hype both locally and <strong>in</strong>ternationally. The overall impression of a civilizational<br />

clash <strong>in</strong>volv<strong>in</strong>g Muslims and Christians is also strengthened <strong>in</strong> some way by the<br />

phenomenon of the ‘youth bulge’ <strong>in</strong> Africa and particularly <strong>in</strong> the case of <strong>Nigeria</strong><br />

where the demographic structure is characterized by nearly three-quarters of the<br />

population be<strong>in</strong>g under the age of 30 (Leahy et al. 2007). The portrayal of such a<br />

population trend <strong>in</strong> a country where there is an exceed<strong>in</strong>gly large and mismanaged<br />

youth population <strong>in</strong>vokes the notion of how easily violent deaths can be a<br />

consequence of youth vulnerability <strong>in</strong> the hands of radicalized (religious) groups.<br />

By extension, it also becomes easy to understand how much analysis of the violence<br />

<strong>in</strong>volv<strong>in</strong>g Muslims and Christians <strong>in</strong> <strong>Nigeria</strong> ma<strong>in</strong>ta<strong>in</strong>s <strong>in</strong>tellectual currency<br />

with<strong>in</strong> academic debates, policy circles, and the sensational projection of the<br />

global media.<br />

Beyond this, however, the connections between the aforementioned variables<br />

are far more complex than what fits perfectly <strong>in</strong>to a s<strong>in</strong>gle theoretical paradigm<br />

about a clash between religions. The religious divide between Muslims and<br />

Christians should not be overstated, because the monolithic perception held by<br />

many observers of Islam and Christianity <strong>in</strong> <strong>Nigeria</strong> should be balanced with the<br />

sense of caution expressed by scholars such as Pérouse de Montclos. He draws<br />

attention to the need to recognize the divisions with<strong>in</strong> Islam as well as disruptive<br />

factors with<strong>in</strong> the Muslim ummah, which crises such as that related to Boko Haram<br />

underscore (Pérouse de Montclos 2014). This k<strong>in</strong>d of perspective holds merit<br />

as a safeguard aga<strong>in</strong>st speculative counter-arguments about an <strong>in</strong>ter-religious<br />

clash and also as a guide for other aspects of our study, which will permit a fuller<br />

understand<strong>in</strong>g of the idea of divisions or schisms with<strong>in</strong> religions such as Islam<br />

<strong>in</strong> <strong>Nigeria</strong>. Particularly <strong>in</strong> the third part of this paper, an appreciation of this will<br />

emerge through our statistical presentation of violent trends between rival groups<br />

aligned to the same religion. However, before reflection on this, we will proceed<br />

to present and analyse the distribution of data related to the causes of violent<br />

deaths and its relationship to religious and non-religious issues <strong>in</strong>volv<strong>in</strong>g Muslims<br />

and Christians.<br />

95<br />

Frequency of violent deaths and their causes<br />

Between 1 June 2006 and 31 May 2014, the absolute number of violent deaths<br />

recorded by the <strong>Nigeria</strong> Watch database was over 61,000 (Figure 5.1). This stagger<strong>in</strong>g<br />

number is spread out over the period exam<strong>in</strong>ed <strong>in</strong> this study. Although an<br />

observable feature of this data is the steady rise <strong>in</strong> the absolute yearly frequency<br />

of deaths from 2009 to 2013, a critical look at 2014 reveals a sharp <strong>in</strong>crease <strong>in</strong>

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