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Violence in Nigeria

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138<br />

tern of kill<strong>in</strong>gs by the security forces dur<strong>in</strong>g the 2011 elections <strong>in</strong>dicates that the<br />

post-election violence was more deadly by far than the election-day and preelection<br />

violence. However, <strong>in</strong> terms of cumulative fatality figures, the <strong>in</strong>volvement<br />

of the security forces <strong>in</strong> the 2007 general elections was more deadly than <strong>in</strong><br />

the 2011 elections.<br />

Conclusion<br />

Analysis of the dynamics of security forces kill<strong>in</strong>gs <strong>in</strong> <strong>Nigeria</strong> requires not only<br />

an understand<strong>in</strong>g of the role of the security forces as the primary apparatus of<br />

state-sanctioned violence; it also requires a knowledge of the general context<br />

with<strong>in</strong> which the security establishment operates. Scholarly analysis must recognize<br />

the general context, as well as the relational and causal factors that <strong>in</strong>crease<br />

security forces kill<strong>in</strong>gs. This study has established that security forces kill<strong>in</strong>gs<br />

have much to do with a general culture of violence, rather than with the result of<br />

accidental deaths or collateral damage. The statistics presented <strong>in</strong> the paper<br />

demonstrate that the majority of <strong>in</strong>cidents where the security forces <strong>in</strong>tervene<br />

result <strong>in</strong> fatalities; and the more they <strong>in</strong>tervene, the more people are killed. The<br />

statistics further illustrate that the <strong>in</strong>volvement of the army causes more fatalities<br />

per <strong>in</strong>cident, even though kill<strong>in</strong>gs by the police are more numerous. Further<br />

mapp<strong>in</strong>g <strong>in</strong> the paper illustrates that the <strong>in</strong>tervention of the security forces <strong>in</strong> <strong>in</strong>cidents<br />

<strong>in</strong>volv<strong>in</strong>g political groups causes more fatalities, but the Boko Haram<br />

crisis and the relationship between the army and Islamic groups is the most deadly,<br />

caus<strong>in</strong>g more fatalities per <strong>in</strong>cident. Lastly, the paper discovered that <strong>in</strong>cidents<br />

of kill<strong>in</strong>gs by the security forces are more prevalent <strong>in</strong> the southern region but<br />

cause more fatalities <strong>in</strong> the northern region of the country.<br />

References<br />

AFENO, S.O. (2012), The Boko Haram Upris<strong>in</strong>g and Insecurity <strong>in</strong> <strong>Nigeria</strong>: Intelligence Failure<br />

or Bad Governance? Conflict Trends 1: 35-41.<br />

ALAO, A. (2000), Security Reform <strong>in</strong> Democratic <strong>Nigeria</strong>. Conflict, Security and Development,<br />

Work<strong>in</strong>g Paper, No. 2, pp. 1-52.<br />

ALEMIKA, O.E. (1993), Colonialism, State and Polic<strong>in</strong>g <strong>in</strong> <strong>Nigeria</strong>. Crime, Law and Social<br />

Change 20(3): 187-219.<br />

ALSTON, P. (2006), Report of the Special Rapporteur on Extra-Judicial, Summary or Arbitrary<br />

Executions: Mission to <strong>Nigeria</strong>. Geneva, United Nations, Economic and Social Council,<br />

Commission<strong>in</strong>g on Human Rights.<br />

CHILUWA, I. (2011), Media Representation of <strong>Nigeria</strong>’s Jo<strong>in</strong>t Military Task Forces <strong>in</strong> the Niger<br />

Delta Crisis. International Journal of Humanities and Social Sciences 1(9): 197-208.<br />

CHUKWUMA, I. (1997), The Legal Structure of the Police and Human Rights <strong>in</strong> <strong>Nigeria</strong>. Third<br />

World Legal Studies 14, Article 4: 40-70.

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