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Myth, Protest and Struggle in Okinawa

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114 <strong>Myth</strong>, protest <strong>and</strong> struggle <strong>in</strong> Ok<strong>in</strong>awa<br />

Consequently, the government reactivated the US Military Special Measures<br />

Law (beigun tokubetsu sochi hō) <strong>and</strong> the L<strong>and</strong> Expropriation Law (tochi shūyō<br />

hō) which restricted the right of private property ownership when deemed necessary<br />

for protect<strong>in</strong>g the ‘public <strong>in</strong>terest’, with adequate compensation. In effect from<br />

1982, this law considerably simplified the procedures for l<strong>and</strong> expropriation. The<br />

process obligates, first, the Naha Defence Facilities Bureau, a subsidiary of<br />

the Japanese Defence Agency, to apply for legitimate use of the non-contract<br />

l<strong>and</strong>owners’ properties by the US forces. The applications, secondly, are processed<br />

by the Prefecture L<strong>and</strong> Expropriation Committee, a semi-judicial body attached<br />

to the prefectural government. This Committee has the authority to decide whether<br />

or not the l<strong>and</strong> expropriation was justified. The US Military Special Measures<br />

Law made no provision for regulat<strong>in</strong>g this L<strong>and</strong> Expropriation Committee, <strong>and</strong> its<br />

selection processes were unclear (Arasaki 1995: 158–9). The L<strong>and</strong> Expropriation<br />

Committee approved the Bureau’s applications made <strong>in</strong> 1981 <strong>and</strong> 1986. It extended<br />

the state’s right to sublet the non-contract l<strong>and</strong>owners’ properties for another five<br />

years.<br />

S<strong>in</strong>ce the enactment of this legislation, the public legal hear<strong>in</strong>gs <strong>in</strong> front of the<br />

L<strong>and</strong> Expropriation Committee became the site of battle between the anti-war<br />

l<strong>and</strong>owners <strong>and</strong> their support<strong>in</strong>g groups on the one h<strong>and</strong> <strong>and</strong> the Naha Defence<br />

Facility Bureau on the other. They have provided rare opportunities for the antiwar<br />

l<strong>and</strong>owners to express their arguments about the government’s unconstitutional<br />

use of private property, together with their moral stance aga<strong>in</strong>st leas<strong>in</strong>g their l<strong>and</strong><br />

for military use, recorded <strong>in</strong> the proceed<strong>in</strong>gs of the public legal hear<strong>in</strong>gs by Iken<br />

Kyōtō (for example, Ok<strong>in</strong>awa Gunyōchi Iken Soshō Shien Kenm<strong>in</strong> Kyōtō Kaigi<br />

1998, Ok<strong>in</strong>awa Kōyōchi Hō Iken KyōtōSoshō Shien Kenm<strong>in</strong> KyōtōKaigi 1982). 13<br />

In February 1982, the L<strong>and</strong> Expropriation Committee approved the first<br />

application for l<strong>and</strong> expropriation of non-contract l<strong>and</strong>owners under the US Military<br />

Special Measures Law. This decision demoralized the anti-base movement <strong>in</strong><br />

Ok<strong>in</strong>awa. A decade after Ok<strong>in</strong>awa’s reversion to Japan, the ‘Ok<strong>in</strong>awan’ judges on<br />

the Committee panel approved of the US military’s use of the anti-war l<strong>and</strong>owners’<br />

l<strong>and</strong>. A local citizens’ critical journal, Sh<strong>in</strong> Ok<strong>in</strong>awa Bungaku, lamented that the<br />

Ok<strong>in</strong>awans themselves ‘sold off’ the anti-war l<strong>and</strong>owners’ l<strong>and</strong> to the government,<br />

which expressed the sense of helplessness <strong>and</strong> despair of the anti-base Ok<strong>in</strong>awans<br />

(Sh<strong>in</strong> Ok<strong>in</strong>awa Bungaku 30 September 1982: 141). This decision highlighted the<br />

‘low’ phase of the anti-base protest. Between 1977 <strong>and</strong> 1982, the number of noncontract<br />

l<strong>and</strong>owners (not One-tsubo l<strong>and</strong>owners) shrank from about five hundred<br />

to 120–30.<br />

At the 1986 public legal hear<strong>in</strong>gs, the presence of several hundred One-tsubo<br />

anti-war l<strong>and</strong>owners gave tremendous support to the anti-war l<strong>and</strong>owners <strong>in</strong> court<br />

(Arasaki 1995: 172). The aforementioned anti-war l<strong>and</strong>owner, Shimabukuro Zenyū,<br />

recalls that at the 1981 hear<strong>in</strong>gs there were only 20–30 anti-war l<strong>and</strong>owners, look<strong>in</strong>g<br />

miserable <strong>and</strong> weak <strong>in</strong> court, while the opponents, the officials from the Naha<br />

Defence Facilities Bureau, came <strong>in</strong> suits <strong>and</strong> ties, <strong>in</strong> a much larger number, on a<br />

chartered bus. Most importantly, Shimabukuro says, the encouragement from the<br />

One-tsubo l<strong>and</strong>owners was immense, for the anti-war l<strong>and</strong>owners who had long

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