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Myth, Protest and Struggle in Okinawa

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5 The first wave<br />

Opposition to US military l<strong>and</strong><br />

acquisition<br />

Introduction<br />

Barely ten years after the Battle of Ok<strong>in</strong>awa, the US military threatened residents’<br />

livelihoods yet aga<strong>in</strong> with bulldozers, tanks, <strong>and</strong> soldiers. Their forceful confiscation<br />

of privately owned properties for military base construction <strong>and</strong> tra<strong>in</strong><strong>in</strong>g was added<br />

to the Ok<strong>in</strong>awan historical narrative of marg<strong>in</strong>alization. Local residents started to<br />

organize protest actions aga<strong>in</strong>st the US military, <strong>and</strong> this gave rise to what Arasaki<br />

describes as the first-wave ‘Ok<strong>in</strong>awa <strong>Struggle</strong>’. This cycle of protest is popularly<br />

known as the ‘all-isl<strong>and</strong> struggle’ (shimagurumi tōsō). It has been constantly recalled<br />

as the earliest, <strong>and</strong> perhaps the most powerful, evidence of the locals’ ability to wage<br />

collective action aga<strong>in</strong>st the authorities. The ‘first-wave’ postwar Ok<strong>in</strong>awa <strong>Struggle</strong><br />

has been a source of <strong>in</strong>spiration <strong>and</strong> pride for the local tradition of grassroots political<br />

activism.<br />

In the immediate postwar period, workers, teachers, <strong>and</strong> l<strong>and</strong>owners started to<br />

form political organizations, many of which are still active. Most local political<br />

parties were also born <strong>in</strong> this period. Of those <strong>in</strong>volved, farmers were the most<br />

desperate protest actors but the goals of protest rema<strong>in</strong>ed diverse. Initially this did<br />

not h<strong>in</strong>der the development of a wide sense of unity but the unity proved to be<br />

both temporary <strong>and</strong> fragile <strong>and</strong> the anti-US coalition soon collapsed. That said,<br />

the unity <strong>and</strong> power demonstrated by this isl<strong>and</strong>-wide mass protest aga<strong>in</strong>st US<br />

l<strong>and</strong> policy was, perhaps, most <strong>in</strong>fluential <strong>in</strong> help<strong>in</strong>g to create what I have called<br />

the myth of a united struggle of the Ok<strong>in</strong>awan people.<br />

This chapter responds to a number of questions: What were the ma<strong>in</strong> differences<br />

among the protest actors? What expla<strong>in</strong>ed the fragility of the all-isl<strong>and</strong> coalition?<br />

What made the temporary unity possible? This chapter exam<strong>in</strong>es different protest<br />

actors, their social bases, strategies, priorities, <strong>and</strong> how they came to form a coalition<br />

for one struggle.<br />

As was often the case <strong>in</strong> Ok<strong>in</strong>awa’s community of protest, multiple struggles<br />

occurred simultaneously <strong>in</strong> different geographical locations. One of the most<br />

famous of these is the farmers’ struggle <strong>in</strong> Ie Isl<strong>and</strong> (Ie-jima), a legendary struggle<br />

aga<strong>in</strong>st forced US l<strong>and</strong> acquisition, but it was one of many local struggles. The<br />

Ie-jima struggle, however, represents what is common to many Ok<strong>in</strong>awan struggles<br />

– anti-militarism based on absolute pacifism <strong>and</strong> non-violent disobedience. The

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