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The Gateway Chronicle 2020

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18<br />

With that said, how did it actually contribute<br />

to the creation of the State of Israel in<br />

1948?<br />

To briefly recap, the State of Israel was declared<br />

in 1948 following the approval of<br />

the United Nations partition plan by the<br />

General Assembly which had precipitated<br />

a civil war in British Mandatory Palestine.<br />

<strong>The</strong> Partition Plan itself was created at the<br />

request of the British Government who<br />

had concluded in 1937 that its Mandate of<br />

Palestine was untenable due to the conflict<br />

between Jews and Arabs in the region and<br />

– after the Second World War – were<br />

<strong>The</strong> First Prime<br />

Minister of Israel, struggling to control Jewish revolt<br />

David Ben-Gurion over the limits on Jewish migration<br />

to Palestine (especially in the aftermath<br />

of the Holocaust).<br />

One impact of Labor Zionism was that the<br />

radical ‘kibbutznik’ represented a large<br />

group of Jews living in Palestine who<br />

were willing to fight for a state. In fact, the<br />

predecessor to the modern Israel Defence<br />

Forces, the Jewish paramilitary ‘Haganah’<br />

(literally, ‘the defence’) was linked to the<br />

Labor Zionist movement; Haganah was<br />

considered the largest armed force in the<br />

region after the British Army. <strong>The</strong>se paramilitary<br />

groups smuggled weapons into<br />

Palestine and were part of the armed revolts<br />

which proved the British Mandate<br />

untenable. <strong>The</strong>se armed rebellions ultimately<br />

forced the British out, but it is<br />

equally likely that the British would have<br />

been forced to leave anyway; there was an<br />

appetite for self-determination among the<br />

United Nations and the British especially<br />

were not desperate to keep it in their Empire.<br />

However, it is certainly true that the<br />

military wing of the Labor Zionist movement<br />

sped up the British withdrawal.<br />

Nevertheless, the partition would never<br />

have been considered without a viable alternative.<br />

For<br />

the Jewish<br />

State at least,<br />

this came<br />

from the Labor<br />

Zionists.<br />

<strong>The</strong> Kibbutzim<br />

– as well as<br />

‘nomadic’<br />

groups such<br />

as G’dud<br />

HaAvodah<br />

(Labor Battalion)<br />

– created<br />

viable agriculture<br />

and<br />

manual labour<br />

forces<br />

for a future<br />

state; G’dud<br />

HaAvodah notably built roads and drained<br />

swamps in the 1920s where the British had<br />

not. Moreover, the associated labour unions<br />

(mainly Histadrut, that of David Ben<br />

Gurion) began to establish education,<br />

health care and social services for the Jewish<br />

population outside of the kibbutzim<br />

themselves. This created the very beginnings<br />

of the State: one which not only had<br />

some sort of economic output but provided<br />

for its citizens. <strong>The</strong>refore, as a result<br />

of the institutions of Labor Zionism (themselves<br />

a result of the ideology), it was<br />

possible both for the United Nations and<br />

the British government to consider a Jewish<br />

State in the region; after all, there

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