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The Gateway Chronicle 2020

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Mathematics and Economics<br />

71<br />

who wish to work to earn accordingly<br />

above that level. Modern UBI-ers, such as<br />

author Annie Lowry, point out that this<br />

decision not to work, beyond being a supposed<br />

individual right, would be beneficial<br />

as people can spend more time doing<br />

social activities such as spending time<br />

with dependents, learning a new skill, and<br />

doing voluntary work.<br />

<strong>The</strong> 20th century proposition of UBI was<br />

not confined to the Left, however. Two ostensibly<br />

right- wing economists Friedrich<br />

Hayek and Milton Friedman both supported<br />

basic income. Hayek (1899-1992),<br />

the leader of the Austrian<br />

School of economists<br />

and influencer of<br />

the likes of Thatcher,<br />

was an advocate of<br />

what he named ‘a sort<br />

of floor below which<br />

nobody need fall’ ie. a<br />

subsistence level of income.<br />

He believed the<br />

idea was ‘wholly legitimate’<br />

as it seems to be<br />

a ‘protection against a<br />

risk common to all’.<br />

<strong>The</strong> risk he was alluding<br />

to was the boombust<br />

cycle of capitalism<br />

and wars which he<br />

lived through in the<br />

turbulent 20th Century<br />

in Europe. This,<br />

again, relates to the<br />

importance of UBI to<br />

be paid to all rather than just those lower<br />

deciles of the spectrum. Although Hayek<br />

undoubtedly supported basic income in<br />

this way, his work was not extensive on<br />

how it could be funded, which remains<br />

one of the central aspects of opposition to<br />

the programme. This is where Milton<br />

Friedman (1912-2006) joined the party. He<br />

suggested that those unable or even unwilling<br />

to work should, instead of the welfare<br />

system of the day, be given a rebate<br />

or ‘negative income tax’.<br />

Milton Friedman<br />

This would be at the bare subsistence level<br />

in order to encourage people to still work.<br />

Alongside this, other welfare assistance<br />

would be abolished, in part, in order to<br />

pay for this. This model has been integrated<br />

into many current day proposals.<br />

So it is clear to see that, while those who<br />

oppose UBI that are right-wing inclined,<br />

that shake it off simply out of objection to<br />

its left-wing embodiments, should take<br />

note that some of the most influential<br />

thinkers and economists that they take serious<br />

inspiration from were, in different<br />

ways, proponents of some form of basic<br />

income.<br />

<strong>The</strong> debate thereafter<br />

was stimulated by Belgian<br />

political theorist<br />

Phillippe Van Parijs.<br />

He is often seen as the<br />

father of UBI - a misconception<br />

commonly<br />

held as the history of<br />

basic income is clearly<br />

extensive. Universal<br />

Basic Income is certain<br />

to be a growing topic<br />

of debate in future<br />

decades. Pilot programmes<br />

have already<br />

begun around the<br />

world, including in<br />

Finland and California.<br />

As UBI gains momentum<br />

in the years<br />

to come, its opponents,<br />

as well as proponents, would be<br />

wise to take on the lessons of those notable<br />

names to have come before them - including<br />

many not discussed here. Where<br />

commentators purely focus on the economic<br />

minutia of basic income, there is<br />

clearly a wealth of literature on rights and<br />

liberties-based arguments from thinkers<br />

across the political spectrum. <strong>The</strong>se could<br />

be used to bring people over to the cause,<br />

in order to draw the necessary support for<br />

such a radical and fascinating idea.<br />

Will, U6CPAG

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