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However, he seems to be more of an advocate<br />
of ‘participation income’, where one<br />
has to do some socially beneficent tasks in<br />
order to receive an income from the State.<br />
As such, early humanists, such as More,<br />
began the dialogue on a wider entity<br />
providing for everyone. Highlighting the<br />
plight of the<br />
poorest is<br />
something<br />
that has not<br />
been lost on<br />
modern UBI<br />
advocates<br />
and they<br />
promote the<br />
idea, in part,<br />
as it could<br />
may reduce<br />
crime rates<br />
as it stands<br />
as a positive<br />
impetus for<br />
those in the<br />
bottom deciles<br />
of society.<br />
Jean Luis Vives was an early proponent of UBI<br />
Revolutions<br />
in the eve of<br />
the 18th century brought further discourse<br />
on basic income. French thinkers such as<br />
Montesquieu, Babeuf, Condorcet and<br />
Robespierre all, in some form contributed<br />
to the argument for UBI. While they all<br />
made important additions, Thomas Paine<br />
was instrumental in bringing the light to<br />
the idea and stressing basic income as a<br />
right more than just a<br />
useful policy in socio-economic<br />
terms. In both<br />
Rights of Man and Agrarian<br />
Justice, Paine extensively<br />
laid out plans and<br />
for basic income. A common<br />
objection to the idea<br />
is that UBI would be<br />
given to both the Hedge<br />
fund manager and the unemployed single<br />
mother. Paine, as well as modern day proponents,<br />
argue that this should be the case<br />
for numerous reasons, and he specifically<br />
wanted to ‘prevent invidious distinctions’<br />
that would be involved with means-testing.<br />
For his work, Paine is often seen as<br />
the father of basic income. Unfortunately<br />
for Paine, he was living at a time where<br />
these ideas of such radical redistribution<br />
were extremely unlikely to be accepted by<br />
the ruling classes. This does not eradicate<br />
the contributions that Paine made and his<br />
work on the justification on the basis of<br />
rights rather than purely practical needs,<br />
is still cited often today. Some of these<br />
rights-based reasoning re-emerged decades<br />
later with Charles Fourier (1772-<br />
1837) claiming that the violation of every<br />
person’s right to hunt, fish and farm on<br />
common land meant that civilisation<br />
owed a subsistence level of income to<br />
those unable to their own needs, a belief<br />
echoed by Joseph Charlier (1816-96).<br />
While the latter and his ‘dividende teritorial’<br />
was quickly forgotten, the very much<br />
unforgotten J.S Mill picked up on Fourier’s<br />
ideas. Mill appreciated the fact Fourier<br />
did not suggest abolishing private<br />
property or inheritance and that his system<br />
of basic income (begrudgingly) accommodated<br />
these key aspects to liberal<br />
society.<br />
After the first World War, Philosopher<br />
and Nobel laureate Bertrand Russell<br />
(1870-1972) believed that basic income<br />
could marry the advantages of anarchism<br />
and of socialism. Russell fused the appeal<br />
of anarchism in terms of the sheer liberty<br />
it bestows to individuals with socialism’s<br />
‘inducement<br />
to<br />
work’. In<br />
this sense,<br />
basic income<br />
could be<br />
implemented<br />
in<br />
order to<br />
allow people the free choice to not work,<br />
living with the subsistence income and ensure<br />
there was a system to allow those<br />
“Revolutions in the eve of the 18 th<br />
century brought further discourse on<br />
basic income”