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The Gateway Chronicle 2020

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19<br />

already appeared to be a State at the<br />

hands of the Labor Zionists so Labor Zionism<br />

made it more difficult to refuse a formal<br />

Jewish State too. Indeed, the United<br />

Nations Special Committee on Palestine<br />

Report specifically notes that kibbutzim,<br />

“express the spirit of sacrifice and co-operation<br />

through which [agricultural success]<br />

has been achieved”.<br />

Regardless, a Jewish State would not have<br />

been considered without a Jewish population<br />

in Mandatory Palestine. This too was<br />

provided in part by the Labor Zionists. Of<br />

course, the various issues facing European<br />

Jews (social and economic) were the main<br />

‘push factors’ but the kibbutzim created a<br />

method of getting<br />

work, finding<br />

a community<br />

upon arrival and<br />

– for most immigrants<br />

during the<br />

Third Aliyah (literally<br />

‘ascent’,<br />

but a word for<br />

the waves of migration)<br />

from<br />

1919 until 1923<br />

but fewer immigrants<br />

among the<br />

later (and larger)<br />

waves of Aliyot –<br />

provided an ideological<br />

home for socialist Jews. While<br />

only a minority of Jews lived on kibbutzim,<br />

their success did create a sense among the<br />

Jewish diaspora that moving to Israel was<br />

possible; for many it grew to be necessary,<br />

but it did make the move more palatable.<br />

In 1936, the local population of Palestine<br />

began a general strike that turned into a<br />

violent rebellion; the 1937 Peel Commission<br />

found the cause of this to be the rapid<br />

demographic change. <strong>The</strong> Peel Commission<br />

also concluded that the Mandate was<br />

untenable and that partition would be<br />

necessary; according to Roza El-Elini, the<br />

Commission’s report, “proved to be the<br />

master partition plan, on which all those<br />

that followed were either based, or to<br />

which they were compared”. Furthermore,<br />

the presence of a Jewish population<br />

specifically was vital for a Jewish State to<br />

be considered; if there were no Jews in<br />

Palestine, there would have been no reason<br />

to consider creating a state for Jews in<br />

Palestine. This strongly suggests that Labor<br />

Zionism had a notable impact on the<br />

demographic change which ultimately<br />

lead to the partition of Palestine and hence<br />

the creation of the State.<br />

With that said, there were many other significant<br />

factors in the creation of the State<br />

of Israel. First among them was the collapse<br />

of the Ottoman Empire. From the<br />

beginning of the First World War, the British<br />

Government<br />

concerned itself<br />

with the fate of<br />

Ottoman Palestine.<br />

As part of<br />

that, the British<br />

Government entered<br />

into negotiations<br />

with another<br />

group of<br />

Zionists: the socalled<br />

Political<br />

Zionists, who<br />

aimed to create a<br />

Jewish State<br />

through pure diplomacy.<br />

<strong>The</strong> result<br />

of the negotiations was the Balfour<br />

Declaration of 2 November 1917, giving<br />

sympathy to the Zionist Cause. Historians<br />

have argued at great length as to why the<br />

Government did this; Lloyd-George himself<br />

claimed in his memoir it was to gain<br />

financial support from Jews and the<br />

American Government (Geoffrey Wheatcroft<br />

notes that the Balfour Declaration<br />

was almost “Wilson’s Fifteenth Point”), to<br />

prevent Zionist support for Germany, due<br />

to the negotiating of the Political Zionists<br />

and his own support for the cause. Whatever<br />

the actual reason, the declaration is of<br />

paramount importance to the Zionist<br />

cause. <strong>The</strong> declaration was later endorsed<br />

by the United States and gave hope to

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