Špela KALČIĆINTRODUCTIONWest Africa with its Atlantic coast, the Sahara and various other remote places presents a highly ambivalentmobility landscape frequented by various Africans and people from the Global North, mostly Europeans.They <strong>in</strong>clude local nomads, irregular sub-Saharan migrants, transnational tradesmen, smugglers,retirees, tourists and travellers. In the last two decades this site has also become a haven for people fromthe Global North who have adopted mobility as a way of life. Most of them are “housetruckers”, i.e. peopletravell<strong>in</strong>g and at least temporarily liv<strong>in</strong>g <strong>in</strong> various k<strong>in</strong>ds of mobile homes. They represent a highlydiversified group, a largely disregarded and undocumented phenomenon that is sometimes hard to put<strong>in</strong>to any conventional mobility category and deserves more academic attention.The aim of this article is to present the variety of this phenomenon, as well as to call attention tothe appearance of a new researchable entity with<strong>in</strong> it, i.e. peripatetic housetruckers, which calls fornew theoretical reflection <strong>in</strong> studies that deal with human mobility. It first traces the predecessors ofcontemporary housetruckers, then outl<strong>in</strong>es the varieties of the phenomenon, and f<strong>in</strong>ally addressesperipatetic housetruckers and the difficulty of conceptualis<strong>in</strong>g this new entity which occupies a placebetween tourism, travel, migration and nomadism.The article is based on ethnographic data collected dur<strong>in</strong>g extensive fieldwork that took place betweenJanuary 2007 and May 2012 <strong>in</strong> Morocco, the Western Sahara, Mauritania, Mali, Niger and Gu<strong>in</strong>ea.Dur<strong>in</strong>g my research I employed the methods of mobile ethnography (D’Andrea 2006), participant observationwith a focus on practices of mov<strong>in</strong>g and meet<strong>in</strong>g with other mobile subjects, <strong>in</strong>terview<strong>in</strong>g, aswell as a good measure of self-reflection, which is a logical consequence of my personal <strong>in</strong>volvement <strong>in</strong>the housetruck<strong>in</strong>g lifestyle. All of the descriptions of the housetruck<strong>in</strong>g lifestyle employed <strong>in</strong> the presentarticle are based on field notes that I made dur<strong>in</strong>g my fieldwork.ON HOUSETRUCKINGThe notion of liv<strong>in</strong>g a nomadic lifestyle is older than civili<strong>za</strong>tion itself. Traditional nomads are foundthroughout old Europe, America, the Middle East and Asia who periodically change their location <strong>in</strong>order to maximise the advantages of climate, the environment or economic opportunities, and whoselifestyle is very similar to that of the contemporary housetruckers (Berland 1992; Berland, Salo 1986;Berland, Rao 2004). However, the contemporary housetruckers sprang up from more recent socio-culturalprocesses of global late capitalism. They are very closely related to the development of time- andspace-compress<strong>in</strong>g <strong>in</strong>formation, communication and navigation technologies, and the development ofthe automobile <strong>in</strong>dustry that offered off-road exploration of remote places and comfortable caravann<strong>in</strong>gsuitable for all ages (cf. Sheller, Urry 2006). Important factors underp<strong>in</strong>n<strong>in</strong>g the phenomenon also<strong>in</strong>clude the development of tourism and travel culture, higher standards of liv<strong>in</strong>g, and as paradoxical asit might sound, also the recent recession beg<strong>in</strong>n<strong>in</strong>g <strong>in</strong> 2008 that revealed a mass-scale disillusionmentwith the national states’ neoliberal 1 system (cf. Bousiou 2008; Clark 1997; D’Andrea 2006, 2007; Dearl<strong>in</strong>g1998; Korpela 2009; Mart<strong>in</strong> 1998, 2002; Oliver 2007; Juntunen, Kalčić, Rogelja 2012). The phenomenonhas its historical analogies and cont<strong>in</strong>uations <strong>in</strong> the phenomenon of the Grand Tour and its later formssuch as the <strong>in</strong>ternational countercultural hippy movement of the 1960s and 1970s and the New AgeTravellers movement of the 1980s and 1990s (Clark 1997; Dearl<strong>in</strong>g 1998; Hether<strong>in</strong>gton 2000). 2 It could1 I refer to neoliberalism as a “political, economic and moral system governed by globalized f<strong>in</strong>ancial markets thatdecouples labour and capital, disconnects the social and the political rights and underm<strong>in</strong>es the possibility of atrue foundation of citizenship” (Raulet 2011).2 New Age Travellers are groups of people who often espouse New Age or so-called “hippie” beliefs, and travelbetween music festivals and fairs (ma<strong>in</strong>ly <strong>in</strong> the United K<strong>in</strong>gdom) <strong>in</strong> order to live <strong>in</strong> a community with others102
The Ethnography of Housetruck<strong>in</strong>g <strong>in</strong> West Africa: Tourists, Travellers, Retired Migrants and Peripateticsalso be associated with the rise of the phenomenon of adventure travel and the quest for “elsewherelands”(Löfgren 1999).Housetruckers <strong>in</strong> West Africa are a highly heterogeneous group of people. Due to the geographicalproximity of Europe the most prevalent among them are Western and Central Europeans, but there arealso some Eastern Europeans, Americans, Canadians, Australians, and New Zealanders. They are of differentgenerations, various professional qualifications and social strata. They ma<strong>in</strong>ly consist of womenand men travell<strong>in</strong>g <strong>in</strong> couples without children, for the simple reason that a mobile life with childrenrequires more economic resources, plann<strong>in</strong>g, security and time-consum<strong>in</strong>g household chores. Otherstravel <strong>in</strong> pairs of friends but it is not uncommon to see s<strong>in</strong>gle men on the road. Women travell<strong>in</strong>g bythemselves are rare exceptions. Most housetruckers are of urban orig<strong>in</strong> and many among them tendtowards a susta<strong>in</strong>able ecological life. They travel <strong>in</strong> converted cars, jeeps, lorries, vans, buses, trucks ormobile homes of different values that vary from a couple of thousand to a couple hundred thousandeuros. When travers<strong>in</strong>g African landscapes they are often misconceived by Africans, as well as manyWesterners, 3 as be<strong>in</strong>g prosperous and privileged people. While this is sometimes true, many of themcome from the lower economic strata of their background societies where they suffered from precariouspositions <strong>in</strong> the labour and hous<strong>in</strong>g market. Their degrees of connectedness to the sedentary lifeback home also differ. While some of them have fixed property <strong>in</strong> their country of orig<strong>in</strong> where theymore or less frequently return, for others the vehicle that serves as their home is the only valuable theyown. The French, English, Germans, Spanish and Italians <strong>in</strong> particular live <strong>in</strong> their vehicles dur<strong>in</strong>g theirstays <strong>in</strong> both cont<strong>in</strong>ents, but many among them resort to squats or turn to their friends, families, or therental market for hous<strong>in</strong>g while back “home”.Housetruckers choose their dest<strong>in</strong>ations accord<strong>in</strong>g to climatic, economic and socio-political conditions,romantic images of the African cont<strong>in</strong>ent and the Sahara, navigation skills, the amount of adventureand comfort they are look<strong>in</strong>g for, as well as other more specific personal preferences. Those withfour-wheel-drive vehicles often follow the beaten tracks of deserts, coasts, riverbanks, mounta<strong>in</strong>s andother remote places. Many state that they f<strong>in</strong>d freedom <strong>in</strong> extremely remote areas. They say that thedeserts <strong>in</strong> particular serve as sites where a total cut-off from stress can be accomplished. The emptydesert is allur<strong>in</strong>g to them for the fact that it doesn’t <strong>in</strong>volve social obligations or career responsibilities,and one can entirely detach oneself – at least temporarily – from worry<strong>in</strong>g about money and markets.For most housetruckers, deserts, but also the African cont<strong>in</strong>ent itself, represent synonyms for freedomand an escape from the fast pace of Western life. However, the most important factors that shape theirmobility are their economic conditions and strategies. Some started to travel upon retirement; some arestill of work<strong>in</strong>g age; some have regular <strong>in</strong>comes (pension, salary) or live on sav<strong>in</strong>gs; some have to resortto various flexible economic strategies.The reasons for mobility among housetruckers are various as well. While a love of travel is a prerequisite,many th<strong>in</strong>k that housetruck<strong>in</strong>g enables them to improve their lives as it offers more freedomand satisfaction. However, very often they had to choose this k<strong>in</strong>d of mobile life out of necessity, whenfaced with different k<strong>in</strong>ds of problems connected with personal, family, professional or existential iswhohold similar beliefs. Their transport and homes consist of vans, lorries, buses, narrowboats and caravansconverted <strong>in</strong>to mobile homes. They also make use of improvised bender tents, tipis and yurts. New Age Travellerslargely orig<strong>in</strong>ated <strong>in</strong> 1980s and early 1990s Brita<strong>in</strong>. As of 2010, a small number cont<strong>in</strong>ue to travel <strong>in</strong> thecountry, and cultural group<strong>in</strong>gs with similar composition have also manifested themselves <strong>in</strong> other countries,such as France or New Zealand (cf. Clark 1997; Dearl<strong>in</strong>g 1998; Hether<strong>in</strong>gton 2000).3 When us<strong>in</strong>g term ‘Westerners’ I have <strong>in</strong> m<strong>in</strong>d people from more affluent countries of the Global North, whichalso <strong>in</strong>cludes people from the southern hemisphere such as New Zealanders and Australians, or Japanese whoare actually Easterners. I fully acknowledge the paradoxical nature of the descriptor, which actually derivesfrom the notion that people from the political West (United States, Western Europe) are those who are affluentas they come from the cradle of neoliberalism, which nowadays no longer represents a Western but a globalphenomenon.103
- Page 1 and 2:
36 2012Inštitut za slovensko izsel
- Page 3 and 4:
36 • 2012IzdajaInštitut za slove
- Page 5 and 6:
VSEBINA / CONTENTSTEMATSKI SKLOP /
- Page 7:
T E M A T S K I S K L O PMigration
- Page 10 and 11:
Mirjam MILHARČIČ HLADNIKdo vedno
- Page 12 and 13:
Mirjam MILHARČIČ HLADNIKZame je b
- Page 14 and 15:
Mirjam MILHARČIČ HLADNIKres zarad
- Page 16 and 17:
Mirjam MILHARČIČ HLADNIKMoj razis
- Page 18 and 19:
Mirjam MILHARČIČ HLADNIKVsi smo v
- Page 20 and 21:
Mirjam MILHARČIČ HLADNIKPajnik, M
- Page 22 and 23:
Olga DEČMAN DOBRNJIČ, Milan PAGON
- Page 24 and 25:
Olga DEČMAN DOBRNJIČ, Milan PAGON
- Page 26 and 27:
Olga DEČMAN DOBRNJIČ, Milan PAGON
- Page 28 and 29:
Olga DEČMAN DOBRNJIČ, Milan PAGON
- Page 30 and 31:
Olga DEČMAN DOBRNJIČ, Milan PAGON
- Page 32 and 33:
Olga DEČMAN DOBRNJIČ, Milan PAGON
- Page 34 and 35:
Olga DEČMAN DOBRNJIČ, Milan PAGON
- Page 36 and 37:
Mitja SARDOČENGAGEMENT WITH DIVERS
- Page 38 and 39:
Mitja SARDOČPart of the difficulty
- Page 40 and 41:
Mitja SARDOČsion and would advance
- Page 42 and 43:
Mitja SARDOČexposure of students t
- Page 44 and 45:
Mitja SARDOČNext, the idea of an e
- Page 46 and 47:
Mitja SARDOČGaleotti, Anna Elisabe
- Page 49 and 50:
VKLJUČENOST VSEBIN VEČKULTURNEGAI
- Page 51 and 52:
Vključenost vsebin večkulturnega
- Page 53 and 54: Vključenost vsebin večkulturnega
- Page 55 and 56: Vključenost vsebin večkulturnega
- Page 57 and 58: Vključenost vsebin večkulturnega
- Page 59: Vključenost vsebin večkulturnega
- Page 62 and 63: Irena LESAR, Ivana ČANČAR, Anita
- Page 64 and 65: Irena LESAR, Ivana ČANČAR, Anita
- Page 66 and 67: Irena LESAR, Ivana ČANČAR, Anita
- Page 68 and 69: Irena LESAR, Ivana ČANČAR, Anita
- Page 70 and 71: Irena LESAR, Ivana ČANČAR, Anita
- Page 72 and 73: Irena LESAR, Ivana ČANČAR, Anita
- Page 74 and 75: Irena LESAR, Ivana ČANČAR, Anita
- Page 76 and 77: Marijanca Ajša VIŽINTINUVOD 1Za
- Page 78 and 79: Marijanca Ajša VIŽINTINrij, ki ne
- Page 80 and 81: Marijanca Ajša VIŽINTINV številn
- Page 82 and 83: Marijanca Ajša VIŽINTINstora z en
- Page 84 and 85: Marijanca Ajša VIŽINTIN272) pouda
- Page 86 and 87: Marijanca Ajša VIŽINTINHuddleston
- Page 89: R A Z P R A V E I N Č L A N K IE S
- Page 92 and 93: Drago KOSslovenske muslimanske skup
- Page 94 and 95: Drago KOSna javno in zasebno sfero,
- Page 96 and 97: Drago KOSseveda ni mogoče izogniti
- Page 98 and 99: Drago KOSin fizičnih sporočil, ki
- Page 100 and 101: Drago KOSskih cerkva. V predstavlje
- Page 102 and 103: Drago KOSSmrke, Marjan, Hafner-Fink
- Page 106 and 107: Špela KALČIĆsues. While some hav
- Page 108 and 109: Špela KALČIĆlost my job. Next ye
- Page 110 and 111: Špela KALČIĆin temporary jobs in
- Page 112 and 113: Špela KALČIĆtions. The mobility
- Page 114 and 115: Špela KALČIĆlimits the possibili
- Page 116 and 117: Špela KALČIĆethnic transnational
- Page 118 and 119: Špela KALČIĆCasado-Diáz, María
- Page 121 and 122: LIVEABOARDS IN THE MEDITERRANEAN: L
- Page 123 and 124: Liveaboards in the Mediterranean: L
- Page 125 and 126: Liveaboards in the Mediterranean: L
- Page 127 and 128: Liveaboards in the Mediterranean: L
- Page 129 and 130: Liveaboards in the Mediterranean: L
- Page 131 and 132: Liveaboards in the Mediterranean: L
- Page 133 and 134: DIPLOMAT KOT AKTER IN OBJEKT MIGRAC
- Page 135 and 136: Diplomat kot akter in objekt migrac
- Page 137 and 138: Diplomat kot akter in objekt migrac
- Page 139 and 140: Diplomat kot akter in objekt migrac
- Page 141 and 142: Diplomat kot akter in objekt migrac
- Page 143: Diplomat kot akter in objekt migrac
- Page 146 and 147: Marko KLAVORAali Edina Mujčina, 2
- Page 148 and 149: Marko KLAVORAKo sem pisal prispevek
- Page 150 and 151: Marko KLAVORASAŠO: Oboje. Nekateri
- Page 152 and 153: Marko KLAVORAonalizem, vse to so me
- Page 154 and 155:
Marko KLAVORAosebno, je rekel: »Ni
- Page 156 and 157:
Marko KLAVORAsangvinis. 17 Ko jih b
- Page 159 and 160:
DUNAJČANKA V LJUBLJANI: MEDKULTURN
- Page 161 and 162:
Dunajčanka v Ljubljani: Medkulturn
- Page 163 and 164:
Dunajčanka v Ljubljani: Medkulturn
- Page 165 and 166:
Dunajčanka v Ljubljani: Medkulturn
- Page 167 and 168:
Dunajčanka v Ljubljani: Medkulturn
- Page 169 and 170:
Dunajčanka v Ljubljani: Medkulturn
- Page 171:
K N J I Ž N E O C E N EB O O K R E
- Page 174 and 175:
Book ReviewsSodobni bošnjaški na
- Page 176 and 177:
Book Reviewspolitičnih ceremonijah
- Page 179 and 180:
Poročilo s 17. Posveta slovenskih
- Page 181 and 182:
NAVODILA AVTORJEM ZA PRIPRAVO PRISP
- Page 183 and 184:
INSTRUCTIONS TO AUTHORS PREPARINGAR
- Page 185:
36 2012Inštitut za slovensko izsel