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Inštitut za slovensko izseljenstvo in migracije ZRC SAZU

Inštitut za slovensko izseljenstvo in migracije ZRC SAZU

Inštitut za slovensko izseljenstvo in migracije ZRC SAZU

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Liveaboards <strong>in</strong> the Mediterranean: Luxury or Marg<strong>in</strong>ality? – Ethnographic Reflections on Maritime Lifestyle MigrationFollow<strong>in</strong>g the analysis of LM ethnographies, the explanation of the background for LM often resemblesthe thesis of privileged self-reali<strong>za</strong>tion projects that was enabled by the general developmentof transport, and a rise of European standards of liv<strong>in</strong>g (Tork<strong>in</strong>gton 2010; Hether<strong>in</strong>gton 2000, 1992,1998). Authors such as Brian Hoey and Greg Mart<strong>in</strong> offer slightly different explanations, Hoey (2010)referr<strong>in</strong>g to counter-urbani<strong>za</strong>tion migration and Mart<strong>in</strong> (2002) expla<strong>in</strong><strong>in</strong>g contemporary Travellers <strong>in</strong>Brita<strong>in</strong>. The people that Hoey (2010: 241) observes talk about the wish for a slower pace and a simpleenvironment, but they also stress the feel<strong>in</strong>g of be<strong>in</strong>g violated, torn down, without time for family orthemselves, disconnected, and Hoey concludes that these examples must be understood with<strong>in</strong> thebroader framework of late capitalism which produces a mass scale existential crisis by creat<strong>in</strong>g a tensionbetween personal experiences with material demand and the moral mean<strong>in</strong>g of the good life (ibid.).Mart<strong>in</strong> takes the explanation a step further, reflect<strong>in</strong>g on Kev<strong>in</strong> Hether<strong>in</strong>gton’s (2000) explanations ofEnglish Travellers and his own ethnography. He concludes that the idea that Travellers have chosen toadopt this lifestyle can be used <strong>in</strong> two ways: to celebrate their freedom, demonstrate their unwill<strong>in</strong>gnessto participate fully <strong>in</strong> the society, and see them <strong>in</strong> the light of the middle-class bourgeois quest forauthenticity, or to see political connotations <strong>in</strong> this stress on <strong>in</strong>dividual freedom. For Mart<strong>in</strong> (2002) it isextremely important to dig further and to detect the wider socio-historical context which enables andpromotes “escape”. 11One of the peculiarities of lifestyle migrants has been the relative freedom of choice which hasalso been discussed and challenged also with<strong>in</strong> LM studies <strong>in</strong> the context of the more general socialchanges over the late 20th Century (more flexible social roles, social differentiation less dependent onfixed social hierarchy, <strong>in</strong>dividuals less constra<strong>in</strong>ed by social structures and categories, process of <strong>in</strong>dividuali<strong>za</strong>tion)(Tork<strong>in</strong>gton 2010; Beck 1992). This view has been challenged by the idea that the processof <strong>in</strong>dividuali<strong>za</strong>tion is not necessarily connected with the free will of <strong>in</strong>dividuals but is required by thesystem. As Anthony Giddens (1994: 75) stated, modern subjects face the burden and the liberation ofconstruct<strong>in</strong>g their own identities <strong>in</strong> the sense that we have no choice but to choose. The other challenge<strong>in</strong> observ<strong>in</strong>g freedom of choice with<strong>in</strong> LM comes from tak<strong>in</strong>g <strong>in</strong>to account Bourdieu’s theory of theimportance of the <strong>in</strong>dividual’s habitus, which limits <strong>in</strong>dividual choices and possibilities (Benson, O’Reilly2009b; Bourdieu 1984). In this view LM is a result of particular material circumstances and specific classhabitus. Lifestyle choices are thus a direct outcome of our embodied class culture. Bourdieu’s theory hasbeen criticized for be<strong>in</strong>g too determ<strong>in</strong>istic (Jenk<strong>in</strong>s 2000), but Bourdieu himself emphasized that habitusis a generative structure with the potential of <strong>in</strong>corporat<strong>in</strong>g changes and whose “limits are set by thehistorically and socially situated conditions of its production” (Bourdieu 1990: 55). Many authors (Margolis1999; Sweetman 2003) have questioned and further explored the theoretical potentials of habitus<strong>in</strong> the context of global modernity with questions such as: What happens if the habitus and structureno longer match? Is reflexivity on this discrepancy only possible <strong>in</strong> a time of crisis? Are we <strong>in</strong> a time ofmass-scale existential crisis, as Hoey (2010) puts it, where <strong>in</strong>dividuals with different habitus experiencethe same tension? As O’Reilly and Benson (2009b: 12) observe, the quest for utopia has persisted forcenturies, while the recent <strong>in</strong>crease <strong>in</strong> this phenomenon implies that it emerges partly as a reflexiveassessment of opportunities (whether life will be better here or there). Follow<strong>in</strong>g these arguments onecan conclude that <strong>in</strong>dividualized lifestyle migration projects also have their limits set by late modernity,where <strong>in</strong>dividuals from various backgrounds are pushed to search for alternative solutions and lifestylesyet their possibilities are still set with<strong>in</strong> the framework of their habitus.11 The word escape itself has a negative connotation of escap<strong>in</strong>g from responsibility but for many authors it alsocarries the massage of an <strong>in</strong>dividual crisis where escape is an act of negotiat<strong>in</strong>g a tension between the moralmean<strong>in</strong>g of life and personal experience with material demand (Hoey 2010).127

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