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Inštitut za slovensko izseljenstvo in migracije ZRC SAZU

Inštitut za slovensko izseljenstvo in migracije ZRC SAZU

Inštitut za slovensko izseljenstvo in migracije ZRC SAZU

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Nataša ROGELJAcircumnavigat<strong>in</strong>g. The ongo<strong>in</strong>g mobility on the sea is an aim, an end <strong>in</strong> itself and the fulfilment of adream. In this sense the sea is the embodiment of the movement – the place itself becomes movement;movement becomes place. 10 To close the circle: liveaboards do develop lifestyle <strong>in</strong> mobility but theplace still plays a central role <strong>in</strong> their migration. As for many other lifestyle migrants the place is importantfor their personhood. It is not a co<strong>in</strong>cidence that ideas of freedom can be materialized right thereon the sea, which from a cultural historical perspective is marked by freedom imagery (Corb<strong>in</strong> 1994). AsBrian Hoey (2010: 256) concluded about lifestyle migrants’ narratives of relocation, “they show us howembodied experience gives them mean<strong>in</strong>gful, personally constitutive connections to place, the physicallandscape, and an <strong>in</strong>tangible spirit of history that resides <strong>in</strong> particular places or local characters”. Forliveaboards the sea is an important element <strong>in</strong> their narratives and they connect it with health, with aplace where one can become a better person, with freedom, with personal memories of their childhood,with a virus (once you experience the sea you are <strong>in</strong>fected), and certa<strong>in</strong>ly with someth<strong>in</strong>g greaterthen themselves that gives mean<strong>in</strong>g to their life.Freedom(s), privilege(s), and escape(s)As Benson and O’Reilly observe, the phenomenon of mov<strong>in</strong>g for a better life has been researched underdifferent umbrellas such as retirement migration, leisure migration, counter-urbani<strong>za</strong>tion, second homeownership, amenity seek<strong>in</strong>g, seasonal migration and residential tourism, <strong>in</strong>ter alia (2009b: 2). Many ofthese studies f<strong>in</strong>d the term LM useful <strong>in</strong> expla<strong>in</strong><strong>in</strong>g and labell<strong>in</strong>g their cases (Tork<strong>in</strong>gton 2010; Hoey2010; Korpela 2009; Nudrali, O’Reilly 2009). In LM studies we f<strong>in</strong>d typologies such as residential tourism,the rural idyll and bourgeois bohemians to expla<strong>in</strong> different types of lifestyle migrants accord<strong>in</strong>gto dest<strong>in</strong>ation (Benson, O’Reilly 2009b:4) or family migrants, retirement migrants and mid-life migrants(Benson 2009). Even though these cases have many similarities (LM as a comparable project, follow<strong>in</strong>gdreams, self-reali<strong>za</strong>tion narratives etc. ) the common denom<strong>in</strong>ator of all these cases can blur the crucialdifferences between subjects and can hide important backgrounds connected with the reason for LM.In this context, cases such as peripatetic liveaboards and rural idyll migrants can be <strong>in</strong>terpreted <strong>in</strong> differentways, show<strong>in</strong>g alternative perspectives on the phenomenon. It can be seen as a quest for authenticity,as a form of lower-middle-class angst and bourgeois subjectivity which seeks to improve a life whichis already perfect, or it can be <strong>in</strong>terpreted as a strategy to negotiate tensions, as a strategy to escapefrom the immoral mean<strong>in</strong>g of life from feel<strong>in</strong>gs such as be<strong>in</strong>g torn down, disoriented and violated evenif we speak of so-called privileged persons (Hoey 2010). As one of my <strong>in</strong>terlocutors expla<strong>in</strong>ed:I worked as a fisherman back home. I worked hard and I liked my job. But then I got serious health problemswith my back… and then this quota system appeared. It is not just… Some guys they had two or more boatsand they had employees, not employees but more like slaves, you know, work<strong>in</strong>g for them. […] This is not fish<strong>in</strong>ganymore for me. I was th<strong>in</strong>k<strong>in</strong>g how I would organize… the world. I th<strong>in</strong>k one man one boat would be thebest solution. If it is not like that I do not play this game anymore.Such ethnographic examples may as well be an <strong>in</strong>dicative of wider shifts and social transformations thatdo not speak of subjects that are a priori unwill<strong>in</strong>g to participate fully <strong>in</strong> society but are aim<strong>in</strong>g towardsalternative solutions <strong>in</strong> a period of a widespread adrift. By unify<strong>in</strong>g various cases with different backgroundsunder the LM umbrella it might also be suggested that LM studies could fall <strong>in</strong>to the trap ofmov<strong>in</strong>g towards “decorative sociology” (Rojek, Turner 2000) which is too theoretical and depoliticized.10 Deleuze and Guattari made a dist<strong>in</strong>ction between smooth and striated space (1988: 304). As Jake Phelan wrote,the sea is the epitome of smooth place, be<strong>in</strong>g without def<strong>in</strong>ite borders and characterised by the movement andfluidity of the sea and those who travel upon it (2007: 12–13).126

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