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Sicherheit und Risiko

St.Gallen Business Review Winter 2012

St.Gallen Business Review
Winter 2012

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ESPRIT St.Gallen Business Review<br />

projects (as opposed to the build-up of productive capacities)<br />

did not accomplish their implied objective of<br />

stimulating domestic economic growth and ultimately<br />

transforming Greece into a competitive export nation.<br />

Hence, Greece’s economy remains dependent upon its<br />

flagging tourism industry and agricultural production.<br />

When compared with the economic landscapes<br />

of advanced industrialized Western states like Germany<br />

and France, Greece’s manufacturing, technology,<br />

and financial sectors seem all but non-existent.<br />

This apparent failure to develop now manifests<br />

itself in the identification of corruption, rent-seeking,<br />

and wastefulness as the hallmarks of Greek national<br />

character. Additional financial support for a supposedly<br />

irresponsible government has been difficult to<br />

come by, and more often than not has come with unbearable<br />

and devastating conditions. Greece’s lenders<br />

in the EU and the IMF have not been kind, demanding<br />

steep spending cuts and austerity measures in return<br />

for additional financing necessary to maintain the<br />

state. On October 9, amid raucous protests in Greece<br />

and elsewhere and just three days before the Nobel<br />

Committee’s Peace Prize announcement, Eurogroup<br />

chairman Jean-Claude Juncker, speaking to a group<br />

of finance ministers of the 17-nation single currency<br />

area, touted his advocacy for what amounts to highstakes,<br />

high-risk political blackmail: “We stressed that<br />

before the next disbursement Greece clearly and credibly<br />

should demonstrate its commitment to fully implement<br />

the programme - and 89 prior actions from<br />

March should be implemented by the 18th of October<br />

at the latest.“ Most recently, German finance minister<br />

Wolfgang Schäuble referred to Greece‘s state finances<br />

as a “bottomless pit.”<br />

While over a quarter of the Greek labor force remains<br />

unemployed, public f<strong>und</strong>s continue to go toward<br />

shooting water cannons and teargas at protesters<br />

who demand that their government refrain from<br />

implementing further austerity measures <strong>und</strong>er the<br />

pressure of Northern European creditor states. As<br />

one Greek protester puts it, “They are rich, they have<br />

everything and we have nothing and are fighting for<br />

crumbs, for survival.” Given its initial starting point,<br />

its competitors’ inherent advantages, and the zerosum<br />

logic of the European common market, one must<br />

ask: How could anyone expect Greece to become the<br />

next story of successful capitalist development, when<br />

this small nation on the southern periphery of the EU<br />

was competing with the likes of Germany and France?<br />

Risk and Security<br />

As we examine the EU’s current political circumstances,<br />

it bears acknowledgement that it is primarily<br />

the heads of northern European states (and financial<br />

market analysts, for that matter) who frame the<br />

myriad manifestations of social discontent currently<br />

fo<strong>und</strong> in Europe as matters of “risk” and “security”<br />

(the journal‘s topic of discussion in the present issue).<br />

Ultimately, it‘s all about perspective. For Greek<br />

workers, subjected to budget cuts and austerity measures,<br />

and stereotyped and slandered as “lazy” by media<br />

aro<strong>und</strong> the globe, the hypocrisy of awarding the<br />

Nobel Peace Prize to the European Union is justifiably<br />

reason enough to engage in violent protests. Their anger<br />

is directed not only at the Greek government and<br />

domestic economic elites but also toward the wealthy<br />

states of northern Europe, and at the EU itself. Over<br />

time, competition in the common market produced<br />

winning and losing states in the EU. And these differences<br />

that emerge from competition are about to<br />

be institutionalized insofar as national governments<br />

of debt-ridden European states are expected to cede<br />

part of their fiscal sovereignty to the EU, which is effectively<br />

run by two nations: France and Germany. As<br />

it stands, unless there is a major structural overhaul<br />

of Europe‘s economic system on both the national and<br />

supra-national level, responsibility for the consequences<br />

to the continent‘s heightened risk and increasingly<br />

volatile security environment will lie squarely with<br />

the European Union.<br />

About the Author<br />

Patrick Hamm is a<br />

Lecturer on Sociology at<br />

Harvard University, where<br />

he currently teaches a<br />

course on inequality and<br />

poverty in capitalist societies.<br />

Born in Germany, he<br />

holds a Bachelor‘s degree<br />

in Ethics, Politics & Economics from Yale University<br />

and received both a Master’s Degree and Ph.D.<br />

in Sociology from Harvard University, where he<br />

focused on the areas of political economy and economic<br />

development. Most recently, his research<br />

documenting the adverse consequences of privatization<br />

policies in former socialist economies was<br />

published in the American Sociological Review‘s<br />

April 2012 issue (with co-authors Lawrence P.<br />

King and David Stuckler from the University of<br />

Cambridge).<br />

Website: http://www.wjh.harvard.edu/soc/faculty/hamm/index.html<br />

Email: phamm@fas.harvard.edu<br />

Winter 2012 39

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