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Towards a Worldwide Index of Human Freedom

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194 • <strong>Towards</strong> a <strong>Worldwide</strong> <strong>Index</strong> <strong>of</strong> <strong>Human</strong> <strong>Freedom</strong><br />

to be analyzed below) in China delivers much starker evidence about<br />

the impact <strong>of</strong> insufficiently safe property rights and the corresponding<br />

destruction <strong>of</strong> incentives than European economic history. My claim is<br />

that no competing theory is compatible with (or even relevant for) all<br />

three types <strong>of</strong> evidence at the same time.6<br />

Although econometric evidence on the impact <strong>of</strong> economic freedom<br />

is essentially cross-sectional rather than longitudinal, although it covers<br />

the most recent decades only, econometric studies do support the<br />

idea that economic freedom promotes economic growth and wealth<br />

(Chauffour, 2011; de Haan and Sturm, 2000, 2009; Doucouliagos and<br />

Ulubasoglu, 2006; Farr, Lord, and Wolfenbarger, 2003; Gwartney and<br />

Lawson, 2004; Gwartney, Holcombe, and Lawson, 2006; Liu, 2007;<br />

Norton and Gwartney, 2008; Vega-Gordillo and Alvarez-Arce, 2003;<br />

Weede, 2006).7 The continuing debates among econometricians mostly<br />

concern three issues: whether the level <strong>of</strong> economic freedom or the<br />

rate <strong>of</strong> its improvement is more important; whether the relationship is<br />

approximately linear or whether the first steps toward economic freedom<br />

(or away from socialism) are much more important than later steps<br />

or approaching perfect economic freedom; and whether “size <strong>of</strong> government”<br />

should remain part <strong>of</strong> the economic freedom index or be treated<br />

separately.<br />

One may raise the following objection against the claim that econometric<br />

evidence about the impact <strong>of</strong> economic freedom on growth and<br />

economic history support essentially the same argument about the institutional<br />

sources <strong>of</strong> growth: Although the effects <strong>of</strong> economic freedom<br />

or its growth are usually significant, they are dwarfed by the much stronger<br />

effects <strong>of</strong> the initial level <strong>of</strong> economic development or appropriate<br />

measures <strong>of</strong> human capital formation (Weede, 2006). But one must<br />

not conclude from these econometric findings that modest support for<br />

cross-sectional effects <strong>of</strong> economic freedom should lead one to expect<br />

only moderately strong freedom effects in the long run. What we observe<br />

as the most robust effect in cross-sectional growth regressions from<br />

recent decades, namely, the strong impact <strong>of</strong> the initial level <strong>of</strong> economic<br />

6 Pomeranz’s (2000) explanation <strong>of</strong> the great divergence between China and the West illustrates<br />

this perfectly. In his theory, the configuration <strong>of</strong> natural resource deposits (coal,<br />

iron) in China and Britain plays a major role. Even if this is true, such a proposition is not<br />

useful in understanding the misery produced by the great leap forward or econometric<br />

findings about the impact <strong>of</strong> economic freedom. The wider the applicability <strong>of</strong> a theory,<br />

the better its testability, and the more confidence we should place in it, if most test results<br />

support the theory.<br />

7 The benefits <strong>of</strong> economic freedom are not limited to better growth rates. Economic freedom<br />

also reduces macroeconomic volatility (Dawson, 2010), unemployment (Feldmann,<br />

2010) and even homicide rates (Stringham and Levendis, 2010).<br />

Fraser Institute ©2012 • www.fraserinstitute.org • www.freetheworld.com

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