Towards a Worldwide Index of Human Freedom
Towards a Worldwide Index of Human Freedom
Towards a Worldwide Index of Human Freedom
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194 • <strong>Towards</strong> a <strong>Worldwide</strong> <strong>Index</strong> <strong>of</strong> <strong>Human</strong> <strong>Freedom</strong><br />
to be analyzed below) in China delivers much starker evidence about<br />
the impact <strong>of</strong> insufficiently safe property rights and the corresponding<br />
destruction <strong>of</strong> incentives than European economic history. My claim is<br />
that no competing theory is compatible with (or even relevant for) all<br />
three types <strong>of</strong> evidence at the same time.6<br />
Although econometric evidence on the impact <strong>of</strong> economic freedom<br />
is essentially cross-sectional rather than longitudinal, although it covers<br />
the most recent decades only, econometric studies do support the<br />
idea that economic freedom promotes economic growth and wealth<br />
(Chauffour, 2011; de Haan and Sturm, 2000, 2009; Doucouliagos and<br />
Ulubasoglu, 2006; Farr, Lord, and Wolfenbarger, 2003; Gwartney and<br />
Lawson, 2004; Gwartney, Holcombe, and Lawson, 2006; Liu, 2007;<br />
Norton and Gwartney, 2008; Vega-Gordillo and Alvarez-Arce, 2003;<br />
Weede, 2006).7 The continuing debates among econometricians mostly<br />
concern three issues: whether the level <strong>of</strong> economic freedom or the<br />
rate <strong>of</strong> its improvement is more important; whether the relationship is<br />
approximately linear or whether the first steps toward economic freedom<br />
(or away from socialism) are much more important than later steps<br />
or approaching perfect economic freedom; and whether “size <strong>of</strong> government”<br />
should remain part <strong>of</strong> the economic freedom index or be treated<br />
separately.<br />
One may raise the following objection against the claim that econometric<br />
evidence about the impact <strong>of</strong> economic freedom on growth and<br />
economic history support essentially the same argument about the institutional<br />
sources <strong>of</strong> growth: Although the effects <strong>of</strong> economic freedom<br />
or its growth are usually significant, they are dwarfed by the much stronger<br />
effects <strong>of</strong> the initial level <strong>of</strong> economic development or appropriate<br />
measures <strong>of</strong> human capital formation (Weede, 2006). But one must<br />
not conclude from these econometric findings that modest support for<br />
cross-sectional effects <strong>of</strong> economic freedom should lead one to expect<br />
only moderately strong freedom effects in the long run. What we observe<br />
as the most robust effect in cross-sectional growth regressions from<br />
recent decades, namely, the strong impact <strong>of</strong> the initial level <strong>of</strong> economic<br />
6 Pomeranz’s (2000) explanation <strong>of</strong> the great divergence between China and the West illustrates<br />
this perfectly. In his theory, the configuration <strong>of</strong> natural resource deposits (coal,<br />
iron) in China and Britain plays a major role. Even if this is true, such a proposition is not<br />
useful in understanding the misery produced by the great leap forward or econometric<br />
findings about the impact <strong>of</strong> economic freedom. The wider the applicability <strong>of</strong> a theory,<br />
the better its testability, and the more confidence we should place in it, if most test results<br />
support the theory.<br />
7 The benefits <strong>of</strong> economic freedom are not limited to better growth rates. Economic freedom<br />
also reduces macroeconomic volatility (Dawson, 2010), unemployment (Feldmann,<br />
2010) and even homicide rates (Stringham and Levendis, 2010).<br />
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