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Towards a Worldwide Index of Human Freedom

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Liberty in Comparative Perspective: China, India, and the West • 215<br />

In 1990, 49 percent <strong>of</strong> central government positions were set aside for<br />

these groups (van Praagh, 2003: 201). According to Peerenboom “violations<br />

<strong>of</strong> physical integrity rights in India appear to be more severe” (2007:<br />

166) than in China—quite in contrast to what one might expect concerning<br />

the differential human rights performance <strong>of</strong> democracies and autocracies.<br />

Unfortunately, the application <strong>of</strong> the law in India leaves much to<br />

be desired. Relations between some politicians and criminals are simply<br />

too good (Cohen, 2001: 115). Even in big cities, property conflicts may<br />

still be “settled” by gangs <strong>of</strong> bullies rather than by courts <strong>of</strong> law (Kakar,<br />

1996). In 2006, 27 million legal cases waited for a judgment, murder cases<br />

included. About US$75 billion was tied up in these legal disputes (Luce,<br />

2006: 94-95). Problems <strong>of</strong> law enforcement also reduce the impact <strong>of</strong><br />

this presumed Indian advantage. Bardhan bemoans that “India’s overpoliticized<br />

administration and decision-making process, its clogged courts<br />

and corrupt police and patronage politics frequently make mockery <strong>of</strong><br />

the rule <strong>of</strong> law for common people” (2010: 159).<br />

Since Indian states are on the way to becoming more assertive, enterprising,<br />

and powerful, it is conceivable that they may also become engaged<br />

in a “race to the top,” where they will compete with each other in providing<br />

a good business environment. “Federalism, Indian-style” may provide<br />

some hope for the future. As Bihar, one <strong>of</strong> the bigger and poorer states<br />

<strong>of</strong> India, has recently demonstrated, catch-up growth <strong>of</strong> poorer regions<br />

is possible (Economist, 2010, January 30). So far, however, India benefits<br />

little from its putative advantage in the rule <strong>of</strong> law, but it still suffers from<br />

the legacy <strong>of</strong> ‘license-permit raj’ (FICCI, 1999: 165). According to the<br />

Economist, “Indian bureaucracy continues to slow things down... it takes<br />

89 days to receive all the permits needed to start a business in India, compared<br />

with 41 in China. Insolvency procedures take ten years, compared<br />

with 2.4 in China” (2005, March 5: 14). Tardiness <strong>of</strong> administration and<br />

endemic corruption undermine the advantages <strong>of</strong> the rule <strong>of</strong> law (Quah,<br />

2008). As Palmer reminds us: “There is also a strong connection between<br />

the scourge <strong>of</strong> governmental corruption and the extent <strong>of</strong> governmental<br />

intervention into the market. The more obstacles the state places in the<br />

way <strong>of</strong> willing buyers and sellers, for example, the more opportunities for<br />

bureaucrats to exact a toll”27 (2009: 213). On the legal system and property<br />

rights part <strong>of</strong> the economic freedom scale, China received a somewhat<br />

better rating than India (for 2008) (Gwartney, Hall, and Lawson, 2010: 9).<br />

Both Asian giants face severe problems and vulnerabilities, albeit not<br />

exactly the same ones. Chinese savings and investment ratios are very<br />

high. Whereas Chinese pr<strong>of</strong>its are rising, wages and private consumption<br />

27 For econometric evidence on economic freedom, corruption, and economic performance,<br />

see Graeff and Mehlkop (2003) and Blasius and Graeff (2009).<br />

www.freetheworld.com • www.fraserinstitute.org • Fraser Institute ©2012

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