Towards a Worldwide Index of Human Freedom
Towards a Worldwide Index of Human Freedom
Towards a Worldwide Index of Human Freedom
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50 • <strong>Towards</strong> a <strong>Worldwide</strong> <strong>Index</strong> <strong>of</strong> <strong>Human</strong> <strong>Freedom</strong><br />
Such un<strong>of</strong>ficial limits on freedom would cover a broad spectrum,<br />
from active government involvement to backroom sanctioning. Where<br />
on this spectrum would the line be drawn between “<strong>of</strong>ficial” freedom<br />
limits and “un<strong>of</strong>ficial” ones? This demarcation would be particularly<br />
difficult for limits on the freedom <strong>of</strong> women and minorities. Recall<br />
that most nations now have laws that <strong>of</strong>ficially support freedom and<br />
equality even if the government un<strong>of</strong>ficially suppresses women and/<br />
or minorities.<br />
My sense is that governments are more open about <strong>of</strong>ficial restrictions<br />
on economic freedom than non-economic freedom, making it easier<br />
to use <strong>of</strong>ficial measures for restrictions on economic freedom than for<br />
restrictions on non-economic freedoms. Socialism and publicly acknowledged<br />
limits on economic freedom remain fashionable, at least in some<br />
quarters. On the other hand, non-economic freedoms are “<strong>of</strong>ficially”<br />
supported across a broad spectrum, even in nations actively involved in<br />
“un<strong>of</strong>ficially” suppressing such freedom.<br />
For example, could female literacy serve as one indication <strong>of</strong> whether<br />
freedom extends equally to females? Proxy measures will pick up both<br />
<strong>of</strong>ficial and un<strong>of</strong>ficial limits on freedom, and problematically, given the<br />
above, societal restrictions on freedom.<br />
In fact, if appropriate proxy measures could be found, then, despite the<br />
recommendation above, a measure <strong>of</strong> freedom could incorporate societal<br />
restrictions on freedom, though this would raise some difficult conceptual<br />
issues: i.e., the idea, only briefly explored above, that societal pressures<br />
cannot really be considered limits on freedom.<br />
Possible proxy measures: law and responsibility<br />
Hayek argues that “general and equal laws” are a necessary and, he seems<br />
to indicate, a sufficient condition for freedom. His comments speak for<br />
themselves: “It is <strong>of</strong>ten not recognized that general and equal laws provide<br />
the most effective protection against the infringement <strong>of</strong> liberty…”<br />
(1960/1978: 210). “The conception <strong>of</strong> freedom under the law… rests on<br />
the contention that when we obey laws, in the sense <strong>of</strong> general abstract<br />
rules laid down irrespective their application to us, we are not subject<br />
to another man’s will and are therefore free…. This, however, is only<br />
true if by ‘law’ we mean the general rules that apply equally to everybody”<br />
(1960/1978: 153). “Under a reign <strong>of</strong> freedom the free sphere <strong>of</strong><br />
any individual includes all actions not explicitly restricted by general law”<br />
(1960/1978: 216).<br />
This, <strong>of</strong> course, does not equate “general and equal laws” with freedom,<br />
but it suggests a possible source <strong>of</strong> proxy measures.<br />
Hayek also argues that freedom is impossible without responsibility.<br />
This is in some ways related to the law, which forces people to take<br />
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