02.04.2013 Views

Towards a Worldwide Index of Human Freedom

Towards a Worldwide Index of Human Freedom

Towards a Worldwide Index of Human Freedom

SHOW MORE
SHOW LESS

Create successful ePaper yourself

Turn your PDF publications into a flip-book with our unique Google optimized e-Paper software.

Liberty in Comparative Perspective: China, India, and the West • 195<br />

development on growth rates or catch-up opportunities for poor countries,<br />

must have been fairly weak before modern economic growth in the<br />

nineteenth and early twentieth centuries made the West much richer than<br />

the rest <strong>of</strong> the world. As long as average incomes across the world were<br />

about equally close to the subsistence level, catch-up opportunities could<br />

hardly exist. Catch-up opportunities for the poor presuppose the existence<br />

<strong>of</strong> rich countries. That is why one may regard the current catch-up<br />

opportunities that Asian societies have exploited so skillfully as an external<br />

benefit <strong>of</strong> the earlier establishment <strong>of</strong> limited government, safe property<br />

rights, economic freedom, and the resulting prosperity in the West.<br />

In this account, institutions and incentives drive economic development.<br />

Technological progress is part <strong>of</strong> economic development. But the technological<br />

progress made possible by free institutions in the West also makes<br />

it possible for emergent economies to benefit from technologies invented<br />

elsewhere, i.e., in the West.<br />

Since the fourteenth century, China was a unified empire for most<br />

<strong>of</strong> the time, first under the Ming, and then under the Manchu or Qing<br />

dynasties, which lasted for some centuries each. Imperial China succeeded<br />

in monopolizing authority to a much greater degree than did<br />

European states. As Jenner notes, “The success with which the Chinese<br />

state prevented any religion from becoming a rival source <strong>of</strong> authority<br />

across the empire was one <strong>of</strong> many factors preventing the emergence <strong>of</strong><br />

a doctrine that the monarch’s rights were limited by the rights <strong>of</strong> groups<br />

and individuals” (1998: 78). There were no autonomous cities in China.<br />

In Weber’s (1922/1964) terms, the traditional Chinese empire was patrimonial.<br />

Under patrimonialism, the state does not need to respect the<br />

rights <strong>of</strong> its subjects. Chinese merchants suffered from arbitrary, high, and<br />

discriminatory taxation as well as from frequent confiscation. By harassing<br />

merchants, the imperial bureaucracy impeded the development <strong>of</strong><br />

markets and commercialization and indirectly the division <strong>of</strong> labor and<br />

productivity growth (Yang, 1987).8<br />

Whereas China suffered the consequences <strong>of</strong> political unity, Western<br />

Europe benefited from cultural unity and political fragmentation. Conflict<br />

between European kingdoms or principalities contributed to the limitation<br />

<strong>of</strong> governmental power over subjects. If political units are small, it is<br />

much easier to run away from arbitrary <strong>of</strong>ficialdom and confiscation than<br />

in huge empires. In medieval Europe, even peasants could run away and<br />

find refuge in autonomous cities. Rivalry between small political units<br />

and early trade in mass consumption goods forced European rulers to<br />

8 Although de Bary, Chan, and Watson (1960) do not analyze the actual economic order<br />

in imperial China, they document that Chinese writers recommended promoting agriculture<br />

at the expense <strong>of</strong> commerce.<br />

www.freetheworld.com • www.fraserinstitute.org • Fraser Institute ©2012

Hooray! Your file is uploaded and ready to be published.

Saved successfully!

Ooh no, something went wrong!