Towards a Worldwide Index of Human Freedom
Towards a Worldwide Index of Human Freedom
Towards a Worldwide Index of Human Freedom
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Liberty in Comparative Perspective: China, India, and the West • 195<br />
development on growth rates or catch-up opportunities for poor countries,<br />
must have been fairly weak before modern economic growth in the<br />
nineteenth and early twentieth centuries made the West much richer than<br />
the rest <strong>of</strong> the world. As long as average incomes across the world were<br />
about equally close to the subsistence level, catch-up opportunities could<br />
hardly exist. Catch-up opportunities for the poor presuppose the existence<br />
<strong>of</strong> rich countries. That is why one may regard the current catch-up<br />
opportunities that Asian societies have exploited so skillfully as an external<br />
benefit <strong>of</strong> the earlier establishment <strong>of</strong> limited government, safe property<br />
rights, economic freedom, and the resulting prosperity in the West.<br />
In this account, institutions and incentives drive economic development.<br />
Technological progress is part <strong>of</strong> economic development. But the technological<br />
progress made possible by free institutions in the West also makes<br />
it possible for emergent economies to benefit from technologies invented<br />
elsewhere, i.e., in the West.<br />
Since the fourteenth century, China was a unified empire for most<br />
<strong>of</strong> the time, first under the Ming, and then under the Manchu or Qing<br />
dynasties, which lasted for some centuries each. Imperial China succeeded<br />
in monopolizing authority to a much greater degree than did<br />
European states. As Jenner notes, “The success with which the Chinese<br />
state prevented any religion from becoming a rival source <strong>of</strong> authority<br />
across the empire was one <strong>of</strong> many factors preventing the emergence <strong>of</strong><br />
a doctrine that the monarch’s rights were limited by the rights <strong>of</strong> groups<br />
and individuals” (1998: 78). There were no autonomous cities in China.<br />
In Weber’s (1922/1964) terms, the traditional Chinese empire was patrimonial.<br />
Under patrimonialism, the state does not need to respect the<br />
rights <strong>of</strong> its subjects. Chinese merchants suffered from arbitrary, high, and<br />
discriminatory taxation as well as from frequent confiscation. By harassing<br />
merchants, the imperial bureaucracy impeded the development <strong>of</strong><br />
markets and commercialization and indirectly the division <strong>of</strong> labor and<br />
productivity growth (Yang, 1987).8<br />
Whereas China suffered the consequences <strong>of</strong> political unity, Western<br />
Europe benefited from cultural unity and political fragmentation. Conflict<br />
between European kingdoms or principalities contributed to the limitation<br />
<strong>of</strong> governmental power over subjects. If political units are small, it is<br />
much easier to run away from arbitrary <strong>of</strong>ficialdom and confiscation than<br />
in huge empires. In medieval Europe, even peasants could run away and<br />
find refuge in autonomous cities. Rivalry between small political units<br />
and early trade in mass consumption goods forced European rulers to<br />
8 Although de Bary, Chan, and Watson (1960) do not analyze the actual economic order<br />
in imperial China, they document that Chinese writers recommended promoting agriculture<br />
at the expense <strong>of</strong> commerce.<br />
www.freetheworld.com • www.fraserinstitute.org • Fraser Institute ©2012