Towards a Worldwide Index of Human Freedom
Towards a Worldwide Index of Human Freedom
Towards a Worldwide Index of Human Freedom
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262 • <strong>Towards</strong> a <strong>Worldwide</strong> <strong>Index</strong> <strong>of</strong> <strong>Human</strong> <strong>Freedom</strong><br />
“shortens” it (quoted in Husak and de Marneffe, 2005: 80). Yet is the<br />
occasional cocaine sniffer really more debased than the chain smoker<br />
dying from lung cancer?<br />
What <strong>of</strong> “abusers,” those who “get into patterns <strong>of</strong> heavy chronic use,<br />
which they did not anticipate and would prefer not to continue” (Kleiman,<br />
1992: 28)? UCLA Pr<strong>of</strong>essor Mark Kleiman argued that “all <strong>of</strong> the widely<br />
used drugs—including heroin and cocaine, even smoked cocaine—can<br />
be used safely if they are used in small and infrequent doses and at times<br />
and places where an intoxicated person is unlikely to do or suffer injury”<br />
(1992: 27-28). However, too <strong>of</strong>ten, in his view, this is not the case (causing<br />
“failures <strong>of</strong> self-command”) (Kleiman, 1992: 30-41).<br />
Even for drug users with severe problems, substance abuse may be more<br />
a consequence than a cause. Wrote James Bakalar and Lester Grinspooon:<br />
“Most differences between drug users and nonusers apparently precede<br />
the drug use” (1984: 132). Researchers studying heroin addiction have<br />
observed: “People who use heroin are highly disposed to having serious<br />
social problems even before they touch heroin” (Robins, 1988: 264).<br />
Unfortunately, people are capable <strong>of</strong> damaging their lives without<br />
drugs. Indeed, individuals have found an infinite number <strong>of</strong> methods <strong>of</strong><br />
harming themselves, sometimes irrevocably. The Global Commission on<br />
Drug Policy stated: “The factors that influence an individual’s decision to<br />
start using drugs have more to do with fashion, peer influence, and social<br />
and economic context, than with the drug’s legal status, risk <strong>of</strong> detection,<br />
or government prevention messages” (2011: 13). Indeed, if the government<br />
only reduces the availability <strong>of</strong> drugs, alcohol will remain available<br />
as a potentially destructive alternative.<br />
Attempting to nevertheless aid the immoral few still would not justify<br />
a “war” on drug use by all. Improving opportunities for and decision-making<br />
by a small minority would make far more sense than threatening to<br />
imprison a much larger number <strong>of</strong> people (and a majority <strong>of</strong> drug users).<br />
Even those who worry about drugs recognize the difference. Kleiman,<br />
for one, wrote <strong>of</strong> being “somewhat more paternalistic when it comes to<br />
choices about drug use” (1992: 45). That is a long way from militarized<br />
criminal law enforcement in what purports to be a free society.<br />
Respecting a moral right to use drugs<br />
Individuals should have a legal as well as moral “right,” grounded in their status<br />
as free, consenting adults, to use drugs recreationally. Treating drug use<br />
as a morally legitimate freedom, or a moral right, is more than an abstract<br />
philosophical exercise. Attorney John Lawrence Hill argued simply: “If the<br />
state may not rightfully use the coercive sanction <strong>of</strong> the criminal law to prohibit<br />
the ingestion <strong>of</strong> any <strong>of</strong> a variety <strong>of</strong> psychoactive substances, then these<br />
other [practical] considerations are rendered moot” (1992: 102).<br />
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