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Towards a Worldwide Index of Human Freedom

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Liberty in Comparative Perspective: China, India, and the West • 207<br />

democratic socialism in India on the poor by reference to a state that is<br />

“never absent from your life, except when you actually need it” (2006: 64).<br />

Creeping capitalism in Asia<br />

After Deng Xiaoping’s final rise to power as well as under his successors,<br />

the Chinese government switched from radical communism to creeping<br />

capitalism. Reforms began in the countryside. Incentives to work were<br />

reestablished. Peasant judgment replaced cadre decision-making again.<br />

As implied by the label <strong>of</strong> the new policy, “Household Responsibility<br />

System,” those who made the decisions had to suffer the consequences<br />

again. Although the state retained ownership <strong>of</strong> the land, the communists<br />

returned rights to work the land to small groups, to families, and even to<br />

individuals.20 Peasants had to pay rent and to sell part <strong>of</strong> the harvest to<br />

the government at fixed prices. Since surplus products could be sold in<br />

free markets, even scarcity prices got a toehold in the Chinese countryside.<br />

Chinese peasants responded forcefully to the reforms. From 1978 to<br />

1984 agricultural output grew about 42 percent (Lin, Cai, and Li, 2003:<br />

145). Within less than a decade, per capita incomes in the countryside<br />

doubled. Since the mid-1980s, however, the rural-urban income disparity<br />

has widened again. In 2006, urban per capita income was about 3.3<br />

times the rural income (Zhu and Prosterman, 2007: 2). By and large, the<br />

urban-rural gap is wider in the western interior than in the coastal provinces.<br />

The wider it is, the more investment is discouraged and the more<br />

provincial growth rates suffer (Wan, Lu, and Chen, 2008). According to<br />

Bardhan, these early rural reforms have been even more important than<br />

urban reforms, exports, or globalization for China’s economic development:<br />

“Much <strong>of</strong> the high growth in the first half <strong>of</strong> the 1980s and the associated<br />

dramatic decline in poverty happened largely because <strong>of</strong> internal<br />

factors, not globalization. These internal factors include an institutional<br />

change in the organization <strong>of</strong> agriculture, the sector where poverty was<br />

largely concentrated, and an egalitarian distribution <strong>of</strong> land-cultivation<br />

rights, which provided a floor on rural income-earning opportunities, and<br />

hence helped to alleviate poverty” (2010: 6).21<br />

20 Most rural households do not even now have certificates stating which land they farm and<br />

which residential property they occupy. A completed land registry might become the first<br />

step towards private property in farmland, which some day might permit the consolidation<br />

<strong>of</strong> tiny plots into more efficient farms. Although rural residents are discriminated<br />

against when they work in cities, as tens <strong>of</strong> millions <strong>of</strong> them do, rural registration also has<br />

some advantages, including access to cheaper medical insurance, a residence, and some<br />

farmland (Economist, 2010, May 8).<br />

21 Huang makes the same point about the timing <strong>of</strong> significant poverty reduction (before)<br />

and foreign direct investment (later) in China (2008: 26).<br />

www.freetheworld.com • www.fraserinstitute.org • Fraser Institute ©2012

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