Towards a Worldwide Index of Human Freedom
Towards a Worldwide Index of Human Freedom
Towards a Worldwide Index of Human Freedom
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Liberty in Comparative Perspective: China, India, and the West • 207<br />
democratic socialism in India on the poor by reference to a state that is<br />
“never absent from your life, except when you actually need it” (2006: 64).<br />
Creeping capitalism in Asia<br />
After Deng Xiaoping’s final rise to power as well as under his successors,<br />
the Chinese government switched from radical communism to creeping<br />
capitalism. Reforms began in the countryside. Incentives to work were<br />
reestablished. Peasant judgment replaced cadre decision-making again.<br />
As implied by the label <strong>of</strong> the new policy, “Household Responsibility<br />
System,” those who made the decisions had to suffer the consequences<br />
again. Although the state retained ownership <strong>of</strong> the land, the communists<br />
returned rights to work the land to small groups, to families, and even to<br />
individuals.20 Peasants had to pay rent and to sell part <strong>of</strong> the harvest to<br />
the government at fixed prices. Since surplus products could be sold in<br />
free markets, even scarcity prices got a toehold in the Chinese countryside.<br />
Chinese peasants responded forcefully to the reforms. From 1978 to<br />
1984 agricultural output grew about 42 percent (Lin, Cai, and Li, 2003:<br />
145). Within less than a decade, per capita incomes in the countryside<br />
doubled. Since the mid-1980s, however, the rural-urban income disparity<br />
has widened again. In 2006, urban per capita income was about 3.3<br />
times the rural income (Zhu and Prosterman, 2007: 2). By and large, the<br />
urban-rural gap is wider in the western interior than in the coastal provinces.<br />
The wider it is, the more investment is discouraged and the more<br />
provincial growth rates suffer (Wan, Lu, and Chen, 2008). According to<br />
Bardhan, these early rural reforms have been even more important than<br />
urban reforms, exports, or globalization for China’s economic development:<br />
“Much <strong>of</strong> the high growth in the first half <strong>of</strong> the 1980s and the associated<br />
dramatic decline in poverty happened largely because <strong>of</strong> internal<br />
factors, not globalization. These internal factors include an institutional<br />
change in the organization <strong>of</strong> agriculture, the sector where poverty was<br />
largely concentrated, and an egalitarian distribution <strong>of</strong> land-cultivation<br />
rights, which provided a floor on rural income-earning opportunities, and<br />
hence helped to alleviate poverty” (2010: 6).21<br />
20 Most rural households do not even now have certificates stating which land they farm and<br />
which residential property they occupy. A completed land registry might become the first<br />
step towards private property in farmland, which some day might permit the consolidation<br />
<strong>of</strong> tiny plots into more efficient farms. Although rural residents are discriminated<br />
against when they work in cities, as tens <strong>of</strong> millions <strong>of</strong> them do, rural registration also has<br />
some advantages, including access to cheaper medical insurance, a residence, and some<br />
farmland (Economist, 2010, May 8).<br />
21 Huang makes the same point about the timing <strong>of</strong> significant poverty reduction (before)<br />
and foreign direct investment (later) in China (2008: 26).<br />
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