the beginnings of ottoman-german partnership - Bilkent University
the beginnings of ottoman-german partnership - Bilkent University
the beginnings of ottoman-german partnership - Bilkent University
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into key positions <strong>the</strong>re. From now on, <strong>the</strong> Committee <strong>of</strong> Union and Progress became<br />
<strong>the</strong> real masters <strong>of</strong> Turkey.” 59<br />
Since <strong>the</strong> Action Army suppressed <strong>the</strong> reactionary rebellion, <strong>the</strong> army held<br />
all power in its hands. Some articles <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> constitution were changed. 60 The cabinet<br />
led by Hakkı Paşa replaced <strong>the</strong> one led by Hilmi Paşa in December 1909. Radical<br />
reforms were applied both to <strong>the</strong> bureaucracy and <strong>the</strong> <strong>of</strong>ficer corps, leading to early<br />
retirements and salary reductions. 61 The commander-in-chief, Mahmud Şevket Paşa,<br />
urged military <strong>of</strong>ficers not to get involved in politics. Despite oppositions to its<br />
domination both in <strong>the</strong> army, and by <strong>the</strong> newly formed opposition parties, 62 <strong>the</strong> CUP<br />
central committee managed to handle <strong>the</strong> affairs reasonably well from behind <strong>the</strong><br />
scenes until <strong>the</strong> Italians invaded Tripoli (Trablusgarb), beginning <strong>the</strong> Tripolitan War<br />
(1911-1912) and revolts which began in Yemen and Albania made it difficult for it to<br />
control <strong>the</strong> situation. The grand vizier, Hakkı Paşa resigned and was succeeded by<br />
Said Paşa, who had served in that position during Abdulhamid II’s reign. In reaction,<br />
most <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Ottoman opposition parties united to form <strong>the</strong> Party <strong>of</strong> Freedom and<br />
Entente (Hürriyet ve İtilaf Fırkası), which constituted <strong>the</strong> first real threat to CUP’s<br />
domination. Therefore, in <strong>the</strong> elections <strong>of</strong> 1912 63 <strong>the</strong> CUP tried and succeeded in<br />
preventing <strong>the</strong>m from becoming dominant in <strong>the</strong> parliament and succeeded in this<br />
59<br />
Bernard Lewis, The Emergence <strong>of</strong> Modern Turkey, (New York: Oxford <strong>University</strong> Press, 2002), p.<br />
217.<br />
60<br />
The constitutional changes <strong>of</strong> August 1909 were <strong>the</strong> real steps towards a better constitutional and<br />
parliamentarian regime. With <strong>the</strong> changes, <strong>the</strong> sultan only had <strong>the</strong> right to appoint sadrazam and<br />
şeyhülislam, <strong>the</strong> parliament could only be dissolved if <strong>the</strong> cabinet could not get a vote <strong>of</strong> confidence,<br />
and legislation and <strong>the</strong> conclusion <strong>of</strong> treaties became <strong>the</strong> prerogative <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> parliament.<br />
61<br />
Over 1000 or roughly one-third <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> <strong>of</strong>ficers were removed over <strong>the</strong> next few years. Zürcher, pp.<br />
104-105.<br />
62<br />
Zürcher, p. 106.<br />
63<br />
The elections <strong>of</strong> 1912 is known as <strong>the</strong> “election with <strong>the</strong> stick (sopalı seçim)” because <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> CUP’s<br />
strong effect on <strong>the</strong> decision <strong>of</strong> voters.<br />
36