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the beginnings of ottoman-german partnership - Bilkent University

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The treaty had various problems, even at <strong>the</strong> time it was signed. Firstly,<br />

Article 1 was already out <strong>of</strong> date since Germany had already declared war on Russia.<br />

Article 2 was not clearly worded since <strong>the</strong> phrases “ to intervene with active military<br />

measures” and to “invoke casus foederis” could be interpreted in various ways. 194<br />

Secondly, Article 3 provided “leverage for Germany over Turks” by stating that “in<br />

case <strong>of</strong> war, Germany will leave her military mission at <strong>the</strong> disposal <strong>of</strong> Turkey. The<br />

latter, for her part, assures <strong>the</strong> said military mission an effective influence on <strong>the</strong><br />

general conduct <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> army”. 195 This article was worded finally after <strong>the</strong> meeting<br />

between Enver Paşa, Wangenheim and Sanders on August 1, 1914. In <strong>the</strong> German<br />

Embassy, <strong>the</strong>y discussed “<strong>the</strong> military implications <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> proposed German-Ottoman<br />

pact” 196 ; and “<strong>the</strong>y reached an agreement that Turkey would stand on <strong>the</strong> defensive<br />

on <strong>the</strong> Caucasian frontier and assemble an army <strong>of</strong> 210,000 men in Thrace for<br />

operations against Russia, but with Bulgarian and Rumanian neutrality uncertain,<br />

alternatively against Greece”. 197 Wangenheim thus had created <strong>the</strong> grounds for<br />

Germany to force <strong>the</strong> Ottoman Empire to enter <strong>the</strong> war whenever it wanted by means<br />

<strong>of</strong> military pressure and control.<br />

194 Erickson, p. 25. “It (<strong>the</strong> treaty) became activated only in <strong>the</strong> case <strong>of</strong> Russian intervention with<br />

active military measures against Austria-Hungary. In fact, Russia had only mobilized and had not<br />

intervened, when Germany declared war on her first. Therefore, when Germany declared war on<br />

Russia on August 1, 1914, <strong>the</strong> Secret Treaty <strong>of</strong> Alliance (which was signed <strong>the</strong> very next day) was in<br />

effect invalid on signature.”<br />

195 Erickson, p. 25.<br />

196 Ulrich, Trumpener, ‘Liman von Sanders and <strong>the</strong> German-Ottoman Alliance’, Journal <strong>of</strong><br />

Contemporary History, Vol.1, Issue 4 (October, 1966), p. 182. The only known prewar plan for<br />

German-Ottoman action against <strong>the</strong> Entente was agreement <strong>of</strong> 1 August 1914 between Wangenheim,<br />

Liman and Enver who met in German Embassy. Agreed that once <strong>the</strong> alliance was signed, Ottoman<br />

army should take defensive position in Caucasus against Russia, concentrate most <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>ir land forces<br />

in Thrace for <strong>of</strong>fensive in occoperation with Bulgaria against Russia or Greece. At that point <strong>the</strong>y did<br />

not know if Bulgaria would join <strong>the</strong> Central Powers or if Rumania would allow Turco-Bulgarian<br />

advance through its territory against Russia, so agreement had little meaning, except to show that<br />

Ottomans intended to participate in <strong>the</strong> German war effort. But Wangenheim knew it would take at<br />

least one month for Ottomans to assemble <strong>the</strong>ir forces in Thrace, but he felt that on basis <strong>of</strong> this<br />

agreement he was justified in signing <strong>the</strong> alliance on afternoon <strong>of</strong> 2 August. Trumpener, Germany and<br />

<strong>the</strong> Ottoman Empire: 1914-1918, p. 23.<br />

197 Erickson, p. 25.<br />

80

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