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Stalin School of Falsification "Junk" the history of the October Revolution! "Junk"-Lenin! The history of Russia for a third of a century must be reset- with Yaroslavsky as the author, proofreader and make-up man of the new Stalinist history. But, sad to say, Yaroslavsky "failed" on this occasion too. He failed to "junk" the minutes. After all, it takes living men to break up the galleys. The proof sheets with all the notations fell instead immediately into the hands of the Opposition. It is not the only document of this kind! As to the editing of the text printed by us here, we were guided solely by the same methods as were used by the editors of the above- mentioned collection of the minutes of the Petrograd Committee. Wherever the meaning of the sentences leaves no room for doubt, we have corrected the gram mar or the syntax to assist the reader. Half-formed or unintelligible phrases have been deleted. The general trend of the entire session and of the tendencies and groupings represented there can be gleaned quite incontestably from the record which, despite all its defects, bears internal evidence of its authenticity. In publishing the present document, we rescue for the annals of history a living and rather important page of the October Revolution. * * * SESSION OF THE PETERSBURG COMMITTEE OF THE SOCIAL DEMOCRATIC LABOR PARTY OF RUSSIA (BOLSHEVIK), NOVEMBER 1 (14), 1917 Under discussion -- the question of expelling A. V. Lunacharsky[Lunacharsky came out in favor of a coalition with the Mensheviks and the Social Revolutionists. He resigned from the Government, giving as his reason the (alleged) destruction of the Cathedral of St. Basil the Blessed in Moscow. The proposal to expel Lunacharsky was introduced on the initiative of Lenin.] from the party. J. G. Fenigstein -- Daletsky speaks against. The motion is put to a vote. Motion to expel defeated. The current situation -- reporter, J. G. Fenigstein. J. G. FENIOSTEIN: I have been chosen reporter by chance. Perhaps someone else will make the report? [The proposal (for another reporter) rejected.] Our goal -- the impending coordination of work [with the Mensheviks and S.R.'s]. What is involved here is a coalition with other socialist parties. Such considerations as "blood being spilled" or the workers being weary -- should not predominate. For a political party that wants to make history -- these facts cannot constitute obstacles. The task is: What to do in order to satisfy the just demands of workers and peasants? What was [the nature of] the second revolution? It was inevitable. Class contradictions were growing. We have pointed this out. The revolution was not [only] political. It brought with it a series of changes in economic and social spheres. A great process was being consummated. Illusions were being dissipated. The mood of the Soviets and of the popular masses was changing; they were losing the [conciliationist] illusions. All were coming to the http://www.marxists.org/archive/trotsky/works/1937-st2/sf08.htm (3 of 13) [06/06/2002 15:06:44]
Stalin School of Falsification conclusion that the Soviet state was necessary. Under this slogan we have developed and grown. We have elaborated a number of slogans relating to the economic struggle, etc. Our party has grown. We have had the support of the masses. LENIN: I cannot make a report but I shall give some in formation upon a question which is of great interest to all. That is, the question of the crisis in the party, which broke out [openly] at a time when the party was already in power. The polemic waged by Rabochi Put,[37] and my speeches against Kamenev and Zinoviev are no news to all those who have been following the life of the party. Formerly, Delo Naroda[38] used to say that the Bolsheviks would be afraid to take power. This compelled me to take up my pen in order to show the bankruptcy and the infinite stupidity of the Social Revolutionists. I wrote Will the Bolsheviks Retain Power.[39] The question of the armed insurrection was raised at the October 1 session of the Central Committee. I had fears of opportunism from the side of the Internationalist Fusionists,[40] but these were dissipated. However, certain [old] members of the Central Committee came out in opposition. This grieved me deeply. Thus, the question of power has been posed for a long time. Couldn't we now renounce it because of the disagreement on the part of Zinoviev and Kamenev? The insurrection was [objectively] necessary. Comrades Zinoviev and Kamenev began to agitate against the insurrection, and we began to look upon them as strike breakers. I even sent a letter to the Central Committee with a proposal to expel them from the party. I expressed myself sharply in the press when Kamenev made his speech in the All-Russian Central Executive Committee of the Soviets.[On August 4 (17), 1917, Kamenev made a speech at a session of the All- Russian Central Executive Committee of the Soviets on the subject of his arrest. On August 6 (19), he also spoke on the subject of the Stockholm International Socialist Conference, which the Conciliationists proposed to convene in the summer of 1917 for the purpose of expediting the conclusion of peace by the Socialist parties exerting pressure upon their respective Governments] I should not like [now, after the victory. On August 6 (19), Kamenev spoke in his own name in favor of participating in the Conference despite the decision of the Central Commit tee of the party not to participate in the Stockholm Conference. -- L. T.] to assume a severe attitude toward them. I take a favorable attitude toward Kamenev's negotiations in the Central Executive Committee with a view to conciliation be cause we are not opposed to it in principle. [Neither Lenin nor I objected at the outset to the negotiations for a coalition with the Mensheviks and the Social Revolutionists on the condition that the Bolsheviks were assured of a stable majority, and that these parties were to recognize the Soviet state, the land decrees, the peace decree, and so on. We were convinced that nothing would come of the negotiations. But an objective lesson was needed. -- L. T.] However, when the Social Revolutionists declined to participate in the Government, it was clear to me that they did so after Kerensky rose up in [armed] opposition. Some de lay occurred in Moscow (i.e., the seizure of power in Moscow). Our [Rights] became pessimistic. Moscow, if you please, is incapable of taking power, and so on. And so they raised the question of conciliation. The insurrection poses new tasks. Other forces, other qualities are required. In Moscow, for instance, there were many cases of cruelty on the part of the Junkers, shootings of captive soldiers, etc. The Junkers, sons of the bourgeoisie, understood that with the advent of the people's rule, the rule of the bourgeoisie came to an end, for even at the Conference we outlined a number of such measures as the seizure of the banks, and so on. The Bolsheviks, on the contrary, were often much too soft. Now if the bourgeoisie had triumphed, it would http://www.marxists.org/archive/trotsky/works/1937-st2/sf08.htm (4 of 13) [06/06/2002 15:06:44]
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