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The Stalin school of falsification - Marxists Internet Archive

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<strong>Stalin</strong> School <strong>of</strong> Falsification -- Chapter 15<br />

In view <strong>of</strong> the unquestionable prevalence <strong>of</strong> defensist moods among wide layers <strong>of</strong> the masses who<br />

accept the war onley ot&t <strong>of</strong> necessity and not for the sake <strong>of</strong> conquests, we must explain to them in<br />

special detail, patiently, insistently, that it is impossible to terminate the war by a non-oppressive peace,<br />

unless capitalism is overthrown. It is necessary to develop this idea widely, in broadest possible scope.<br />

<strong>The</strong> soldiers demand a concrete answer to the question -- how to end the war. But to promise the people<br />

that we can end the war solely through the good intentions <strong>of</strong> a few individuals -- that is political<br />

charlatanism. We must warn the masses. <strong>The</strong> revolution is a difficult thing. Mistakes are unavoidable.<br />

Our mistake is that we have not exposed revolutionary defensism to its very roots. Revolutionary<br />

defensism is treason to socialism. It is not enough to limit ourselves to. . . . <strong>The</strong> mistake must be<br />

admitted. What to do? We must explain. How give to those who do not understand what socialism is. .. .<br />

We are no charlatans. We must base ourselves only on the consciousness <strong>of</strong> the masses. Even if it is<br />

necessary to remain in a minority -- so he it. It is a good thing to give up for a time the position <strong>of</strong><br />

leadership; we must not be afraid to remain in the minority. When the masses announce that they do not<br />

want conquests, I believe them. When Guchkov and Lvov say they do not want conquests, they are<br />

deceivers! When a worker says that he wants the defense <strong>of</strong> the country, what speaks in him is the<br />

instinct <strong>of</strong> the oppressed.<br />

<strong>The</strong>sis II. <strong>The</strong> peculiarity <strong>of</strong> the present moment in Russia consists in the transition from the first stage <strong>of</strong><br />

the revolution, which gave power to the bourgeoisie on account <strong>of</strong> the inadequate organization <strong>of</strong> the<br />

proletariat, to its second stage, which must give power to the proletariat and the poorest layers <strong>of</strong> the<br />

peasantry.<br />

This transition is characterized, on the one hand, by a maximum <strong>of</strong> legality (Russia is now the freest <strong>of</strong><br />

all the belligerent countries in the world); and, on the other hand, by the absence <strong>of</strong> oppression <strong>of</strong> the<br />

masses, and finally, by their trusting and not class-conscious attitude to the government <strong>of</strong> the capitalists,<br />

the worst enemies <strong>of</strong> peace and socialism. This peculiarity <strong>of</strong> the present moment demands <strong>of</strong> us an<br />

ability to adapt ourselves to the special conditions <strong>of</strong> party work among the unprecedently vast masses <strong>of</strong><br />

the proletariat just awakened to political life.<br />

Why didn't you seize power? Steklov says it was because <strong>of</strong> this and that, and something or other. That's<br />

nonsense. <strong>The</strong> reason is that the proletariat is not sufficiently conscious and sufficiently organized. That<br />

we have to acknowledge. <strong>The</strong> material force is in the hands <strong>of</strong> the proletariat, but the bourgeoisie was<br />

conscious and ready. That is the monstrous fact. But it is necessary to acknowledge frankly, and say to<br />

the people straight out that we did not seize power because we were unorganized and not conscious.<br />

Millions are being impoverished; millions killed. <strong>The</strong> most advanced countries are perishing, and in<br />

consequence they will be confronted with the question.<br />

<strong>The</strong> transition from the first stage to the second -- the transition <strong>of</strong> power to the proletariat and the<br />

peasantry is characterized, on the one hand, by a maximum <strong>of</strong> legality (Russia is now the freest, the most<br />

advanced country in the world); and, on the other, by a trusting and not conscious attitude <strong>of</strong> the masses<br />

toward the Government. Even our Bolsheviks show confidence in the Government. That can only be<br />

explained by intoxication incidental to revolution. That is the death <strong>of</strong> socialism. You, comrades, have<br />

confidence in the government. If that's your position, our ways part. I prefer to remain in the minority.<br />

One Liebknecht is worth more than 110 defensists <strong>of</strong> the Steklov and Chkeidze type. If you are in<br />

sympathy with Liebknecht and extend even a finger to the defensists -- this will be a betrayal <strong>of</strong><br />

international socialism. We must speak to the people without using Latin words. We must speak simply,<br />

http://www.marxists.org/archive/trotsky/works/1937-st2/sf15.htm (12 <strong>of</strong> 17) [06/06/2002 15:07:33]

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