The Stalin school of falsification - Marxists Internet Archive
The Stalin school of falsification - Marxists Internet Archive
The Stalin school of falsification - Marxists Internet Archive
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<strong>Stalin</strong> School <strong>of</strong> Falsification<br />
conclusion that the Soviet state was necessary. Under this slogan we have developed and grown. We<br />
have elaborated a number <strong>of</strong> slogans relating to the economic struggle, etc. Our party has grown. We<br />
have had the support <strong>of</strong> the masses.<br />
LENIN: I cannot make a report but I shall give some in formation upon a question which is <strong>of</strong> great<br />
interest to all. That is, the question <strong>of</strong> the crisis in the party, which broke out [openly] at a time when the<br />
party was already in power.<br />
<strong>The</strong> polemic waged by Rabochi Put,[37] and my speeches against Kamenev and Zinoviev are no news to<br />
all those who have been following the life <strong>of</strong> the party. Formerly, Delo Naroda[38] used to say that the<br />
Bolsheviks would be afraid to take power. This compelled me to take up my pen in order to show the<br />
bankruptcy and the infinite stupidity <strong>of</strong> the Social Revolutionists. I wrote Will the Bolsheviks Retain<br />
Power.[39] <strong>The</strong> question <strong>of</strong> the armed insurrection was raised at the October 1 session <strong>of</strong> the Central<br />
Committee. I had fears <strong>of</strong> opportunism from the side <strong>of</strong> the Internationalist Fusionists,[40] but these were<br />
dissipated. However, certain [old] members <strong>of</strong> the Central Committee came out in opposition. This<br />
grieved me deeply. Thus, the question <strong>of</strong> power has been posed for a long time. Couldn't we now<br />
renounce it<br />
because <strong>of</strong> the disagreement on the part <strong>of</strong> Zinoviev and Kamenev? <strong>The</strong> insurrection was [objectively]<br />
necessary. Comrades Zinoviev and Kamenev began to agitate against the insurrection, and we began to<br />
look upon them as strike breakers. I even sent a letter to the Central Committee with a proposal to expel<br />
them from the party.<br />
I expressed myself sharply in the press when Kamenev made his speech in the All-Russian Central<br />
Executive Committee <strong>of</strong> the Soviets.[On August 4 (17), 1917, Kamenev made a speech at a session <strong>of</strong> the All-<br />
Russian Central Executive Committee <strong>of</strong> the Soviets on the subject <strong>of</strong> his arrest. On August 6 (19), he also spoke on the<br />
subject <strong>of</strong> the Stockholm International Socialist Conference, which the Conciliationists proposed to convene in the summer<br />
<strong>of</strong> 1917 for the purpose <strong>of</strong> expediting the conclusion <strong>of</strong> peace by the Socialist parties exerting pressure upon their<br />
respective Governments] I should not like [now, after the victory. On August 6 (19), Kamenev spoke in his own name in<br />
favor <strong>of</strong> participating in the Conference despite the decision <strong>of</strong> the Central Commit tee <strong>of</strong> the party not to participate in the<br />
Stockholm Conference. -- L. T.] to assume a severe attitude toward them. I take a favorable attitude toward<br />
Kamenev's negotiations in the Central Executive Committee with a view to conciliation be cause we are<br />
not opposed to it in principle. [Neither Lenin nor I objected at the outset to the negotiations for a coalition with the<br />
Mensheviks and the Social Revolutionists on the condition that the Bolsheviks were assured <strong>of</strong> a stable majority, and that<br />
these parties were to recognize the Soviet state, the land decrees, the peace decree, and so on. We were convinced that<br />
nothing would come <strong>of</strong> the negotiations. But an objective lesson was needed. -- L. T.]<br />
However, when the Social Revolutionists declined to participate in the Government, it was clear to me<br />
that they did so after Kerensky rose up in [armed] opposition. Some de lay occurred in Moscow (i.e., the<br />
seizure <strong>of</strong> power in Moscow). Our [Rights] became pessimistic. Moscow, if you please, is incapable <strong>of</strong><br />
taking power, and so on. And so they raised the question <strong>of</strong> conciliation.<br />
<strong>The</strong> insurrection poses new tasks. Other forces, other qualities are required. In Moscow, for instance,<br />
there were many cases <strong>of</strong> cruelty on the part <strong>of</strong> the Junkers, shootings <strong>of</strong> captive soldiers, etc. <strong>The</strong><br />
Junkers, sons <strong>of</strong> the bourgeoisie,<br />
understood that with the advent <strong>of</strong> the people's rule, the rule <strong>of</strong> the bourgeoisie came to an end, for even<br />
at the Conference we outlined a number <strong>of</strong> such measures as the seizure <strong>of</strong> the banks, and so on. <strong>The</strong><br />
Bolsheviks, on the contrary, were <strong>of</strong>ten much too s<strong>of</strong>t. Now if the bourgeoisie had triumphed, it would<br />
http://www.marxists.org/archive/trotsky/works/1937-st2/sf08.htm (4 <strong>of</strong> 13) [06/06/2002 15:06:44]