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Stalin School of Falsification - Chapter 14 M. S. Olminsky A. I. Elizarova Kollontai, member of the Finnish C.C. Present from the Petrograd Committee were Leon M. Mikhailov, Badayev, Vladimir N. Zalezhsky, Yakovlenko (Sergei) Bagdatiev, Enukidze, Boki Epstein,Shagov Krestinsky, Goloschekin The sessions were first held at the Kshesinskaia Palace and later transferred to the Tauride Palace, in the gallery. The original protocols were destroyed by Kerensky's gangs during the July days in a raid on the Kshesinskaia Palace, at that time the headquarters of the Central Committee of our party. Fortunately, I have preserved the original drafts of the protocols and the records of the sessions, with the exception of the sessions for March 27 and March 28, when the war question was under discussion. From these documents it was possible to restore the protocols of the sessions. These records do not of course represent stenographic minutes -- our small party, poor in resources, did not even dare dream of such luxury at that time. These are merely notes as taken down during the sessions; and they are more or less complete, depending upon the individual peculiarities of the particular speaker (the speed and lucidity of his deliv ery, etc.). In any case, there is nothing in them that is "personally interpolated." Everything in the notes represents an exact, even though incomplete, reproduction of what the speakers said.-L. T. Chairman: comrade Nogin. Secretaries: comrades Boki and Drabkina. SESSION OF MARCH 29, 1917 The order of the day: The question of the attitude toward the Provisional Government. After the session was called to order, all the delegates of the Conference were divided into sections in accordance with the projected Conference of the Soviet of Workers' and Soldiers' Deputies. Soldiers' Section: comrades Pozern, Borisov, Shashkin, Vengerov, Panshin, Verzhbitsky, I. N. Smirnov, Ter-Gahrye Ian, Klepner, Syrkin, Shklovsky, Paderin, Garin, Serebriakov. Workers' Section: comrades Starostin, Vassiliev, Kanat chikoy, Kravtsov, Okhlonin, Ter-Gabryelan, Speransky, Sos novsky, Yakhontov, Romanovich, Nakhanovich, Sammer, Sorokin. OrUanizational Section: comrades Sevruk, Saveliev, Skryp nik, Pozern, Mandelstam. Section of Local Affairs: comrades Dukur, Teploukhov, Tsvi!ling, Drobnis. Agrarian Section: comrades Romanovich, Miliutin, V P. Lebed. Mandate Commission: comrades Sevruk, Skrypnik. The resolution of the Priesidium of the Soviet Conference dealing with the manner in which the work would be divided was read: At 6 P.M. elections to the Mandate Commission; division into sections; report by Tseretelli. Reporters: On War-Tseretelli; On the Organization of Power-S teklov. DELEGATE: Has an agreement been reached on the ques tion of reporters? NOGIN: Proposes that the representatives of the various sections come to an agreement on the question of the speakers. SKRYPNIK: Proposes to suggest to the representatives of all factions that they insist on co-reports. ON THE ATTITUDE TO THE PROVISIONAL GOVERNMENT http://www.marxists.org/archive/trotsky/works/1937-st2/sf14.htm (4 of 25) [06/06/2002 15:07:27]
Stalin School of Falsification - Chapter 14 Report by Comrade Stalin. STALIN: The Russian Revolution unfolded not under ordinary circumstances, but against the background of the imperialist war. This fact has left a peculiar mark on the development of the revolution. Due to the fact of the war, the revolutionary crisis, aggravated by a food crisis, was resolved very rapidly. Owing to the war, the army has played a r6le which it never played in any other revolution due to the fact that the entire adult population was mobilized and that the army joined the insurrectionary people. Due to the fact of the war, Czarism has been isolated even from imperialist bourgeois circ!es. Czarism, by its betrayals, repelled the bourgeoisie from itself. Even the imperialist circles of the West, England and France, turned their backs on Czarism, because they wanted to have at the head of the Russian gov ernment people capable of waging the war to the end. There are four forces in the revolution. The two basic ones are the workers and the soldiers. And, in addition, there are two secondary ones: the imperialist circles, both our own and the Anglo-French. These forces, having united, prepared the soil for such an easy and rapid overthrow of Czarism. But since the forces are heterogeneous, therefore their aims are likewise heterogeneous. The tops, the bourgeoisie, both our own and those of Western Europe, have united in order to effect a change in the decorative scenery; they have united in order to replace one Czar by another. They wanted an easy revolution, like the Turkish, with very little freedom, so as to wage the war. A tiny revolution for a big victory. But the lower ranks-the workers and the soldiers-have deepened the revolution, having destroyed the props of the old system. Thus, it is as if we had two currents-one from below, the other from abovo-which have brought forward two govern ments, two forces: 1) the Provisional Government, supported by Anglo-French capitalism; 2) the Soviet of Workers' and Soldiers' Deputies. The power has been divided between two Organs, of which neither one possesses full power. There is and there ought to be friction and struggle between them. The roles have been divided. The Soviet of Workers' and Soldiers' Deputies has in fact taken the initiative in effecting revolutionary transformations. The Soviet of Workers' and Soldiers' Deputies is the revolutionary leader of the insurrec tionary people; an organ of control over the Provisional Gov ernment. On the other hand, the Provisional Government has in fact taken the r6le of fortifier of the conquests of the revolutionary people. The Soviet of Workers' and Soldiers' Dep uties mobi!izes the forces and exercizes control, while the Provisional Government, balking and muddling, takes the role of the fortifier of those conquests by the people which they have already seized as a fact. Such a situation has disadvan tageous, but also advantageous sides. It is not to our advan tage at present to force events, hastening the process of repelling the bourgeois layers, who will in the future inevitably withdraw from us. It is necessary for us to gain time by put ting a brake on the splitting away of the middle-bourgeois layers so that we may prepare ourselves for the struggle against the Provisional Government. But such a situation will not endure endlessly. The revolution is deepening. From the political questions there will be a transition to the social questions. The social demands will cause the middle-bourgeois layers to split away. It is silly to think that it will be possible to bring the revolution to its completion without a split with the bourgeoisie. When that time comes, in so far as the split grows, the Provisional Government will become transformed from an organ for fortifying the conquests of the revolution into an organ for organizing the counter-revolution. A strug gle is already being conducted against the Soviet of Workers' and Soldiers' Deputies; an agitation is being carried on against it among the troops. Clashes are beginning to occur over the questions of the [loyalty] oath, the democratization of the army, the change of the Supreme Commanding Staff. The mobilization of the counter-revolutionary forces has as its banner: "War to a victorious conclusion!" This offensive is being carried on not only from within but also from without -- http://www.marxists.org/archive/trotsky/works/1937-st2/sf14.htm (5 of 25) [06/06/2002 15:07:27]
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