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Stalin School of Falsification - Chapter 14 the voting. Moves to call back those who left and try to come to an agreement with them. GOLOSOREKIN: Speaks against, in view of the fact that negotiations have been carried on with the defensists for sev eral days already, and have brought no agreement. It is useless to keep this game up. SVERDLOV: Agrees with Philip. We must have party discipline. TSVJLLINO: That's a false interpretation. Nobody knew that the Mensheviks and the. S.R.'s have the same disagree ments as there are among ourselves. It is necessary to call them back. TER-GABRYELAN: Announces that his mandate binds him to fight for unification. Blame for the split on our shoulders. POZERN: Announces that he belongs to the tendency of revolutionary defensism but that he did not walk out because he considers himself bound by the Conference. He reserves the right to abstain. ZALUTSKY: Moves that those who left be invited to return and that it be proposed to them that they abstain. TEPLOV: Announces that he had always been a Bolshevik, and feels now obliged to declare that if things go on this way, the Army will be left without a staff. The Samara resolution differs fundamentally from the one adopted here. A vote is taken on the motion to invite those who walked out . (The majority in favor.) Voitinsky on his return is informed of the proposal to abstain. VOITINSEY: Will there be objections made to the resolution? CHAIRMAN: Yes. VOITINSRY: In that case I refuse to abstain. Delegates Dan and Lieber have announced that they are withdrawing their resolution, and even though they are not at all points in agreement with the resolution of the Executive Committee, they will support it. Voitinsky declares in the name of the group of the Bolsheviks, that they too will support it. SESSION OF MARCH 31 Chairman:. Nogin. Secretaries: Comrades Boki and Drabkina. STALIN: Inquires whether it is permissible to allow the defensists who split last night to be present. MILIUTIN: The question of the splitter must be settled at a general conference of the faction. The question is tabled until there is a fuller attendance of the faction. The Qusetionof the Provisioquzi Government. MILIUTIN: Reports that the Committee of Eight, actually of five, assigned to draft a resolution on the attitude to the Provisional Government was unable to arrive at any agree ment. On the first point: Voitinsky remained on his original position that the Provisional Government is revolutionary, and is ours, and that therefore we have to support it. We, on the other hand, proceeded from the standpoint that http://www.marxists.org/archive/trotsky/works/1937-st2/sf14.htm (22 of 25) [06/06/2002 15:07:28]
Stalin School of Falsification - Chapter 14 the Government is not ours, but bourgeois, and strives to confine the development of the revolution. For this reason we were unable to arrive at any agreement. We will support the meas ures in so far as they are directed toward fortifying the con quests of the revolution. We support the revolution but we do not support the Provisional Government as such. In the last analysis, Voitinsky's resolution comes down to a vote of confidence. He reads the resolution of Voitinsky and the resolution of Kamenev -- Stalin, which is appended [see page 800]. VASSILIEV: Cannot understand why an agreement was not reached. After all, the majority has already expressed itself in favor of supporting the measures aimed to further the development of the revolution. In essence, I am in agreement with the second text, but am unable to see any difference between the two. After all, in question here is not the support of the Government, but of certain measures-the support and strengthening of steps taken by the Provisional Government. KAMENEV: Inquires whether the question has been settled of counterposing his resolution to Steklov's resolution. NOGIN: We must first formulate our own opinion. KAMENEV: In Steklov's resolution the point dealing with support is absolutely inacceptable. It is impermissible to have any expression of support, even to hint at it. We can not support the Government because it is an imperialist gov ernment, because, despite its own declaration, it remains in an alliance with the Anglo-French bourgeoisie. In the Communist Manifesto there is a statement to the effect that we give support to the liberal bourgeoisie, but only in the event of its being attacked. But from Steklov's report it is obvious that it is not they who are being attacked, but rather it is they themselves who are attacking the Soviet of Workers' Deputies. In yesterday's amendments to the resolution we stated that support at the present time is impossible. In view of the dual power, the will of the revolutionary people is embodied not in the Provisonal Government but in the Soviets of Workers' Deputies; and also that the latter must be strengthened and that they must come to a clash with the Provisional Government. Our task is to point out that the only organ worthy of our support is the Soviet of Workers' Deputies. The task of the Congress is to proclaim to all Russia that the sole expresser of the will of the revolutionary people is the Soviet of Workers' and Soldiers' Deputies, and that we must strengthen and support them and not the Provisional Government. At the Conference, all the Bolshevik speakers must point out that our task is to support the Soviets. Whether or not we should introduce our own resolution or major amendments to the resolution of the Executive Committee -- that is the question which we ought to discuss here. FEDOROV: The cardinal issue is the question of our atti tude to the Provisional Government. In order to express our attitude to the Provisional Government we must first know what it represents. At the head of the Government are the representatives of the landlord class and of the big bour geoisie. The policy of these classes is the exploitation of the proletariat and the peasantry and the pursuance of imperial ist aims in the war. But whether or not the Government puts this policy into effect-that depends on the relation of forces. In order that this relationship of forces be favorable to the proletariat and the peasantry, it is necessary to strengthen the Soviets of Workers' and Soldiers' Deputies. It is impermissible to support and place our confidence in a Government which does not merit it. Life itself demands a clear-cut answer. It is necessary that the proletariat and the peas antry be informed of our attitude to the Provisional Govern http://www.marxists.org/archive/trotsky/works/1937-st2/sf14.htm (23 of 25) [06/06/2002 15:07:28]
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