The Stalin school of falsification - Marxists Internet Archive
The Stalin school of falsification - Marxists Internet Archive
The Stalin school of falsification - Marxists Internet Archive
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<strong>Stalin</strong> School <strong>of</strong> Falsification -- Chapter 9<br />
always being posed behind the backs <strong>of</strong> the Oppositionists, with insinuations, with filthy implications,<br />
with rude, dishonest and purely <strong>Stalin</strong>ist distortions <strong>of</strong> the Opposition's platform and <strong>of</strong> the revolutionary<br />
biographies <strong>of</strong> the Oppositionists, who are being pictured as the enemies <strong>of</strong> the revolution, as the enemies<br />
<strong>of</strong> the party -- all this in order to arouse a wild reaction on the part <strong>of</strong> the duped audience, on the part <strong>of</strong><br />
the raw young party members with whom you are artificially loading the party ranks; so that you will<br />
later have the opportunity to say, "Now look! We are ready to be patient, but the masses are insisting."<br />
This is the specific strategy <strong>of</strong> <strong>Stalin</strong>, you yourselves are to a greater or lesser degree the organizers <strong>of</strong><br />
this campaign, and when the backwash engulfs you, you say, "<strong>The</strong> party demands it, and I can do nothing<br />
about it. . . .<br />
<strong>The</strong> second rebuke launched by comrade Ordjonikidze against me is a political rebuke <strong>of</strong> a more general<br />
nature. He says that my comparison with the Great French Revolution precisely expresses my<br />
"pessimism." Trotsky, you see, thinks the revolution has perished. If I thought the revolution had<br />
perished, why should I struggle against you? On this issue you are never consistent. If I do not believe in<br />
the construction <strong>of</strong> socialism, as you assert, why should I propose to "plunder the peasant" as you<br />
likewise assert? Is it perhaps out <strong>of</strong> my personal hostility toward the peasant? If I do not believe in the<br />
revolution, why should I engage in a struggle? It would then be best to swim with the tide. Please, try to<br />
understand this! Whoever thinks that the revolution has already perished anyway, would not engage in a<br />
struggle. Comrades, you have once again failed to put two and two together.<br />
<strong>The</strong> October Revolution has not perished. I never said it has. I do not believe it has. But I did say that it is<br />
possible to ruin the October Revolution, if one really undertakes to do so-and that you have already<br />
accomplished a few things to that end. Your entire thinking on this question, comrade Ordjonikidze, is<br />
not dialectical but formal. You ignore the question <strong>of</strong> the conflict <strong>of</strong> living forces, the question <strong>of</strong> the<br />
party. Your thinking is utterly permeated with fatalism. You differentiate between optimism and<br />
pessimism as if they were two immutable categories independent <strong>of</strong> conditions and politics. According to<br />
your way <strong>of</strong> thinking, one can be only either an "optimist" or a "pessimist," i.e., either think that the<br />
revolution has completely perished or that it will not perish under any circumstances no matter what we<br />
did. <strong>The</strong><br />
one and the other are false. Has not the revolution already passed through a number <strong>of</strong> ups and downs?<br />
Didn't we have a stupendous upswing in the period <strong>of</strong> the October overturn, and didn't we hang<br />
suspended by a hair in the period <strong>of</strong> the Brest-Litovsk peace? Recall to your minds what Lenin said<br />
during the struggle against the Left Communists -- that it is extremely difficult to control the automobile<br />
<strong>of</strong> power in the epoch <strong>of</strong> revolution, because it is necessary to keep making sharp turns all the time.<br />
Brest-Litovsk was a retreat. <strong>The</strong> N.E.P., after the Kronstadt uprising, was a retreat. And did not each<br />
wave <strong>of</strong> retreat engender in its turn opportunist moods? It is clear as noonday that when these movements<br />
<strong>of</strong> retreat and <strong>of</strong> downward swings in the revolution are pro- longed for a year, or two and three years,<br />
they engender a more pr<strong>of</strong>ound drop in the moods <strong>of</strong> the masses and <strong>of</strong> the party as well. Comrade<br />
Ordjonikidze, you are a native Caucasian and you know that a road that leads up the mountain, does not<br />
go straight upward, but winds and zigzags, and <strong>of</strong>ten after a steep rise, it is necessary to descend two or<br />
three versts [A Russian measure, app. 2/3 <strong>of</strong> a mile.] in order then to resume the upward march -- but the<br />
road itself leads nevertheless up the mountain. While making a partial downward descent, I must keep<br />
aware that the road will turn and again mount upwards. But if I, for the sake <strong>of</strong> "optimism," altogether<br />
ignore these upward and downward zigzags, then my wagon will fly <strong>of</strong>f into the abyss on one <strong>of</strong> the<br />
turns. I say that at the present time your road leads to the right and downwards. <strong>The</strong> danger lies in the<br />
fact that you do not see this, i.e., that you shut your eyes to it. And it is dangerous to ride up the mountain<br />
http://www.marxists.org/archive/trotsky/works/1937-st2/sf09.htm (16 <strong>of</strong> 21) [06/06/2002 15:07:02]