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Stalin School of Falsification -- Chapter 9 stupidity of national-reformism. We can be victorious only as an integral section of the world revolution. We must hold on until the world revolution, even if the latter is deferred for a number of years. In this respect, the trend of our policy is of decisive importance. By means of a correct revolutionary course, we shall intrench ourselves for a number of years, we shall intrench the Communist International, move ahead along the socialist path and achieve our being taken in tow by the great historical tugboat of the international revolution. Our present party course is the main danger. It stifles the revolutionary power of resistance. What does your course consist of? You put your stake on the strong peasant and not on the agricultural laborer and the poor peasant. You steer toward the bureaucrat and the functionary and not the masses. You place far too much faith in the apparatus. In the apparatus you have tremendous internal support for each other, and mutual insurance for yourselves - that is why Ordjonikidze is unable to succeed even in reducing the staffs. Independence from the masses creates the system of mutual concealment and shielding. And all this is considered as the main prop of power. In the party, reliance is now placed on the secretary and not on the rank and file member. You rely now on Purcell and not on the rank and file proletarian. You rely not on the revolutionary miner but on Purcell who has betrayed the miners. In China, you steer a course toward Chiang Kai-shek and Wang Ching-wei and not toward the Shanghai proletarian, not the coolie who drags cannon on his shoulder, and not the insurgent peasant. You have placed on the order of the day the question of expelling us from the Central Committee. Assuredly, each one of us will carry out his work regardless of his position, as a rank and file party member. But this will not solve the question; you will have to draw further conclusions. Life itself will compel you to make these conclusions. You had better pause instead and change your course. NOTES: 48. The Central Control Commission is a body, formally distinct from the Central Committee, which presides over the morals and the discipline of the party memhership. It is, in theory, sup posed to be made up of the most authoritative and unimpeachable party members, so that their decisions shall not be influenced by factional or other extraneous considerations. In Stalin's period, the C.C.C. was converted into a mere factional instrument for the punishment and expulsion of any political opponent or critic indicated by the bureaucracy. [BACK TO TEXT] 49. The incident at the railway station refers to the gathering of political and personal friends to bid farewell to I. T. Smilga who was being deported from Moscow on the pretext of being sent to do party work in the provinces -- an action in direct violation of the party rules, adopted as early as the Tenth Congress on Lenin's motion, providing against the shifting of members for party work on the grounds of their political views. Zinoviev's speech over the radio was on the occasion of the anniversary of the central party organ, Pravda; he was charged with having spoken about inner-party affairs to an audience containing non- party members-at a time when the public press was filled with column upon column of the most violent and slanderous attacks upon the Oppositionists every single day. As for Trotsky's "breach of discipline," he had been condemned by the Stalinist press more than a year before for having failed to appeal his case to the international tribunal, namely, to the Communist Inter national, which is, in theory, a superior body to any committee or assembly of the Russian party, which is only one of its national sections. Trotsky and Vuyovich, as members of the Executive Committee of the Communist International, did exercise their rights as members to appear before the Eighth Plenum of the E.C.C.I. in http://www.marxists.org/archive/trotsky/works/1937-st2/sf09.htm (18 of 21) [06/06/2002 15:07:02]
Stalin School of Falsification -- Chapter 9 May, 1927, to present their point of view on the Anglo-Russian Committee, the Chinese Revolution, and the situa tion in the Soviet Union. For having done so, they were removed from the E.C.C.I. in violation of its statutes. [BACK TO TEXT] 50. By the time Trotsky was delivering this speech, it was p05 sible to draw a complete balance sheet of the Anglo-Russian Trade Union Unity Committee, which was dissolved by the with drawal of the British trade union leaders sometime in May, 1927, after they had squeezed out of it every possible political advan tage to themselves. See also, Note 82. [BACK TO TEXT] 51. The Black Hundreds was the name given to the arch-reactionary and monarchistic "Union of the Russian People" which ter rorized revolutionists and instigated anti-Semitic pogroms under the rule of the Czar. [BACK TO TEXT] 52. The "Declaration of 88" was handed to the Central Committee of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union on May 26, 1927 by G. Yevdokimov, G. Zinoviev, I. T. Smilga and L. Trotsky in the name of 88 old revolutionists. The declaration was a summary of the Opposition's point of view on the decisive questions in dis pute in the Soviet Party. Among its signers, the year of whose adherence to the party is given in parentheses, were: Beloborodov (1907), Visnevskaya (1905), Vuyovich (1912), Vassiliev (1904), Vardin (1907), A. Gertek (1902), N. Gordon (1903), Yemelianov (1899), Yevdokimov (1903), Shuk (1904), Zinoviev (1899), Zaks-Gladnev (1906), Kuklin (1903), Kavtaradze (1903), Lizdin (1892), Muralov (1908), Ostrovskaya (1905), Piatakov (1910), Radek (1902), Serebriakov (1905), I. N. Smir nov (1899), Samsonov (1903), Sosnovsky (1903), Ter-Vagan yan (1912), Kharitonov (1905), Sharov (1904), Tsibulsky (1904), Eltsin (1898). The declaration was speedily signed by several hundred names. [BACK TO TEXT] 53. It is to be found in the Jahrbach fur Sozialwissenchaft und Sozialpolitik, published by Dr. Ludwig Richter, Zurich, 1879, pp.54-75 and is entitled "Der Isolirte Sozialistisehe Staat" von G. V[ollmar]. In setting forth his view, Vollmar, prominent spokesman for the Right wing of the German social democracy in his time, wrote: "I believe-and shall seek to demonstrate it in the following pages-that the final victory of socialism is not only historically more likely primarily in a single state, but that nothing stands in the road of the existence and prosperity of the isolated socialist state." (P. 55) [BACK TO TEXT] 54. The "Thermidorian chapter" of the French Revolution opened up on the 9th of Thermidor (July 27, 1794) when the counter revolution effected its dramatic coup by the execution of the rev~~ lutionary Jacobins, Robespierre, Saint-Just, Couthon, Lebas and others. The term is applied by Trotsky to conditions socially analogous in the Russian Revolution, meaning the growth of social, economic and political reaction occurring under the old structural forms and banners. [BACK TO TEXT] 55. The Menshevik attitude towards the "liberals," that is, the "progressive bourgeoisie," was fundamentally different from the attitude of the Bolsheviks, or of Trotsky. The Mensheviks saw the basic problem of the coming revolution in Russia as that of the alliance of the proletariat with the bourgeoisie against feudalism and for the establishment of a democratic, parliamentary bourgeois republic, in which the working class and its party would constitute the Left wing, in approximately the same way as the socialist parties of France, England and Germany func tioned in' their bourgeois republics or parliaments. The Bolsheviks saw the. problem as one of an alliance of the proletariat with the peasantry against the industrial bourgeoisie, for the establish ment of a "democratic dictatorship of the proletariat and peas antry." Trotsky saw the problem of the alliance in exactly the same way as the Bolsheviks, but differed http://www.marxists.org/archive/trotsky/works/1937-st2/sf09.htm (19 of 21) [06/06/2002 15:07:02]
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