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Unbridling the Tongues of Women - The University of Adelaide

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<strong>The</strong> New Woman <strong>of</strong> South Australia: Grand Old Woman <strong>of</strong> Australia<br />

process <strong>of</strong> capital accumulation in <strong>the</strong> developing manufactures, which<br />

were inefficiently structured, subject to price and quality competition<br />

from overseas, relatively labour intensive, and, unlike o<strong>the</strong>r sectors, relied<br />

largely on domestic capital formation even prior to <strong>the</strong> cessation <strong>of</strong> British<br />

capital inflow in <strong>the</strong> 1890s. 22<br />

Markey was discussing changes in New South Wales and, secondarily, Victoria.<br />

Despite South Australia’s continuing reliance upon pastoralism and mining for local<br />

capitalist survival, similar developments in manufacturing also appeared <strong>the</strong>re,<br />

though on a very small scale, in <strong>the</strong> late 19 th century. Markey’s comments are as valid<br />

for South Australia as for New South Wales or Victoria.<br />

Spence had commented on a change from domestic to industrial production <strong>of</strong><br />

pickles and preserves for household consumption. <strong>The</strong> vines and fruit trees being<br />

grown on <strong>the</strong> outskirts <strong>of</strong> <strong>Adelaide</strong>, to <strong>the</strong> north in <strong>the</strong> Barossa Valley, and around<br />

Renmark near where <strong>the</strong> Murray crosses <strong>the</strong> South Australian border, were providing<br />

<strong>the</strong> means for development <strong>of</strong> a growing industry in preserving fruit. Like many<br />

o<strong>the</strong>r managers <strong>of</strong> households in <strong>Adelaide</strong> in <strong>the</strong> 1870s, she had probably found<br />

that jam could appear on <strong>the</strong> tea-table with far less effort and little more cost when<br />

bought ready-made from a local retailer than when made at home. 23 Workshops<br />

established in <strong>Adelaide</strong> to make biscuits and confectionery and to roll and pack tobacco<br />

undoubtedly had <strong>the</strong> same effect. 24 <strong>The</strong> jobs made available in such workshops<br />

must <strong>of</strong>ten have been casual seasonal work, but <strong>the</strong>y were jobs for <strong>the</strong> unskilled, and<br />

since women could be paid more cheaply than men, those jobs <strong>of</strong>fered to workingclass<br />

women some small alternative to domestic service which was still <strong>the</strong> principal<br />

opening for women needing to earn wages. A job in a jam factory was, unlike domestic<br />

service, beyond <strong>the</strong> confines <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> domestic sphere.<br />

In <strong>the</strong> provision <strong>of</strong> clothing, <strong>the</strong> change was both more marked and more complicated.<br />

Machinery was introduced into <strong>the</strong> clothing industry in South Australia in<br />

<strong>the</strong> 1870s and 1880s, encouraging, and encouraged by, a tariff which <strong>the</strong> local capitalist<br />

legislators imposed on imported garments in 1887. 25 Industrialisation led to<br />

increasing specialisation <strong>of</strong> tasks in clothing factories and workshops, toge<strong>the</strong>r with<br />

a breakdown in old apprenticeship systems and abandonment <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> ‘one man one<br />

garment’ principle. Such de-skilling generated a demand for cheap female labour.<br />

<strong>The</strong> harsh conditions, long hours and monotonous repetitive work were still attractive<br />

when compared with <strong>the</strong> hours, <strong>the</strong> personal subservience and indignity com-<br />

145

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