Hindutva, Hindunasjonalisme og Bharatiya Janata Party En ...

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Deendayalji's basic impulse in developing his discourse was humanistic, and not political in the narrow sense of party politics. In words that resonate with the anguish felt by every right-thinking person in the world, he writes: "Man, the highest creation of God, is losing his own identity. We must re-establish him in his rightful position, bring him the realisation of his greatness, reawaken his abilities and encourage him to exert for attaining divine heights of his latent personality." Every philosophy carries with it the birthmarks of the times in which it originates. Since the great debate in the early decades after India's independence revolved around the theme of "capitalism vs communism", Deendayalji developed "Integral Humanism" partly as a counter to both. He presents persuasive arguments to show the pitfalls of both systems. "Both capitalism and communism have failed to account for the Integral Man, his true and complete personality and his aspirations. One considers him a mere selfish being hankering after money, having only one law, the law of fierce competition, in essence the law of jungle; whereas the other has viewed him as a feeble lifeless cog in the whole scheme of things, regulated by rigid rules, and incapable of any good unless directed. The centralisation of power, economic and political, is implied in both. Both, therefore, result in dehumanisation of man." How true, considering the global developments of the last four decades. However, Deendayalji was anything but doctrinaire in his approach. Though a strong critic of aping the Western way of life, he accepts that "Western principles are a product of a revolution in human thought and it is not proper to ignore them". His critique of the Western political and economic thought does not call for its total rejection; it only highlights its inadequacy. Referring to "nationalism, democracy, socialism, world peace and world unity", which were the hotly debated "Big Ideas" in India and elsewhere in the 1960s, he says, "All these are good ideals. They reflect the higher aspirations of mankind." But the manner in which the West has voiced them shows that "each stands opposed to the rest in practice." It was Deendayalji's deeply held belief that "Bharatiya Culture" (it is notable that the word "Hindu" or "Hindutva" does not appear in his treatise even once) was capable of harmonising and realising these great ideals for the common good of mankind. What was the basis of his belief? It is the "integral" approach of our culture - the "keynote of Bharatiya Sanskriti" - which views every aspect of human life not in isolation, but holistically in light of the universal and enduring principles of man, as applied to the specific conditions of each society. In contrast to the theory of class conflict (as in communism), Indian culture posits inter-dependence between various sections of society working together for the common weal of all. Similarly, rejecting notions of any inherent contradiction between the individual and society (as in capitalism), it underscores the essential concord between the two. "A flower is what it is because of its petals, and the worth of the petals lies in remaining with the flower and adding to its beauty." The great merit of "Integral Humanism" lies in its successful attempt to deal with a problem that has defied so many political philosophers of our age: how to conceptualise a practical approach to achieve peace and harmony within the individual man and society. Deendayalji persuasively describes how the Bharatiya way of life seeks the simultaneous progress of the body, mind, intellect and soul. He also explains how a balanced observance of the four-fold responsibilities - Dharma, Artha, Kama and Moksha (the four Purusharthas or desirable human efforts) guarantees all-round development of both the individual and society. This may sound like a restatement of the well-known principles of Indian philosophy. Some of "Integral Humanism" is indeed an inspiring elucidation of that. However, what is new in this treatise is Deendayalji's intellectually audacious leap in applying these principles for the goal of India's national resurgence. First, he resurrects, from the works 62
of ancient Indian rishis, two important definitional traits of nationhood (called "chiti", the nation's soul, and "virat", the power that energises the nation) which deserves to be studied in depth by today's thinkers. If understood properly, these would strengthen our national unity and provide motive force to India's emergence as an integrally Developed Nation. Secondly, with the courage befitting a social revolutionary, Deendayalji calls for abandonment of all those customs ("untouchability, caste discrimination, dowry, neglect of women") that are symptoms of "ill-heath and degeneration" of our society. ("We have taken due note of our ancient culture. But we are no archaeologists. We have no intention to become the custodians of a vast archeological museum.") Thirdly, he lays down general objectives of India's economic reconstruction which, in spite of the vast changes that have occurred in the global economic terrain in the past four decades, are still valid. Lastly, his emphatic espousal of Dharma Rajya (which, according to him, does not connote theocratic state but only a law-governed state and duty-oriented citizenry) echoes Gandhi's concept of Ram Rajya. "Dharma (which is different from religion) sustains the nation. If Dharma is destroyed, the nation perishes." Does Dharma Rajya negate democracy? Not at all. Look how Deendayalji creatively expands the meaning of Lincoln's famous words: "In the definition of democracy as 'government of the people, by the people and for the people', of stands for independence, by stands for people's rule, and for indicates Dharma. Dharma Rajya encompasses all these concepts." Today (Feb.11), on the death anniversary of this great Indian, who was also a firm votary of value-based politics, we would do well to study, and rededicate ourselves to, the undying ideas and ideals of Integral Humanism. 63
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Hindutva, Hindunasjonalisme og Bhar
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Innhold: Kapittel 1. Introduksjon s
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Kapittel 1. Introduksjon India er i
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jeg har brukt tidligere i oppgaven.
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Gandhi, Indira: Datter av Pandit Ja
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Mesteparten av denne boken gir en h
Page 14 and 15: På 1960-tallet skjedde det mye i I
Page 16 and 17: Bharatiya Janata party (BJP) Det in
Page 18 and 19: invasjonene. Det blir stadig påpek
Page 20 and 21: Den nasjonalistiske følelsen og te
Page 22 and 23: Som en avslutning på forelesningen
Page 24 and 25: 3.3 BJP History: Its Birth, Growth
Page 26 and 27: dette startet en massakre av sikher
Page 28 and 29: egjeringen fikk skylden for at junk
Page 30 and 31: Teksten om partiets utvikling fra s
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Page 34 and 35: Forfatteren hever nok en gang fram
Page 36 and 37: denne koalisjonen var utvikling, go
Page 38 and 39: Men det skjedde noe i kjølvannet a
Page 40 and 41: Den neste artikkelen er en av de ma
Page 42 and 43: Fra 1. august 2006 endret bjp.org f
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Page 47 and 48: Kapittel 5. Nasjonalisme, myter og
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Page 51 and 52: Chakra, sto for reglene om dharma s
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Page 72 and 73: Support Prices. 5) The present syst
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Page 80 and 81: eform program. We took immediate st
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Page 84 and 85: for biotech products, to be issued
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Page 88 and 89: economic empowerment. They also hav
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Page 104 and 105: India and the World India's aim in
Page 106 and 107: C. BJP TODAY February 1--15, 2004 -
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Page 110 and 111: However, coming back to the great g
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were a legacy of bad governance tha
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• Who has created this bizarre an
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Then came, Dr. Manmohan Singh's sta
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H. BJP TODAY December 1--15, 2005 -
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I. BJP TODAY March 1--15, 2006 - Vo
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There may not be a representation o
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the Delhi High Court in March, that
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K. BJP TODAY December 16--31, 2005
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Lincoln, Bruce 1999 Theorizing Myth
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Vande Mataram- The national Song of
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