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295WH<br />

PACE (Stop and Search)<br />

1 DECEMBER 2010<br />

PACE (Stop and Search)<br />

296WH<br />

[Nick Herbert]<br />

We are keen to ensure that officers strike the right<br />

balance between necessary bureaucracy for the sake of<br />

accountability—which is important—and irrelevant form<br />

filling that wastes the time of the police and the public,<br />

and impacts unduly on citizens going about their business<br />

by asking unnecessary questions.<br />

It is important to understand how policing, and the<br />

bureaucracy that surrounds it, impacts on community<br />

relations. Procedures such as stop and account and stop<br />

and search are most effective when local communities<br />

understand them and support their use. T<strong>here</strong> is a<br />

difference between stop and account and stop and<br />

search, and we must be mindful of ensuring that the<br />

processes associated with them are not confused. Stop<br />

and account is w<strong>here</strong> an individual is asked to account<br />

for their presence, actions and so on, but they are not<br />

searched. It can be one step on from the general<br />

conversations that officers have with members of the<br />

public every day. Stop and search clearly goes further<br />

than that. It is an intrusive procedure and t<strong>here</strong>fore a<br />

cause of more concern among local communities.<br />

Many of the proposed changes to the Police and<br />

Criminal Evidence Act 1984 code of practice A are<br />

necessary to reverse the increase in paperwork generated<br />

by the last Government. In our judgment, that paperwork<br />

hampers police operations and leads to encounters with<br />

the public that are ineffective, bureaucratised and poorly<br />

understood. We need officers on the street to record<br />

only information that is of value, and it may differ from<br />

situation to situation and from force to force. I do not<br />

want to see in place measures that discourage proper<br />

interaction between police officers and members of the<br />

public.<br />

Let me explain the rationale behind our stop-and-account<br />

proposals. The abolition of the national recording<br />

requirement for stop and account will potentially free<br />

up around 450,000 hours of police time, allowing officers<br />

to increase the quality—and shorten the duration—of<br />

these brief encounters, and enabling forces to be more<br />

responsive to the communities that they serve.<br />

I share my hon. Friend’s concerns about the level of<br />

disproportionality in the use of police powers. However,<br />

when the statistics for stop and account are examined<br />

more closely, it appears that it is not used in a<br />

disproportionate manner across England and Wales. It<br />

is also fair to say that t<strong>here</strong> is less concern about the<br />

operation of stop and account than t<strong>here</strong> is about stop<br />

and search. That is why we are removing fully the<br />

national requirement for recording stops and accounts,<br />

leaving local recording to a local decision w<strong>here</strong> a local<br />

need is identified.<br />

Individual police forces know their own communities<br />

better than Whitehall. Increasingly, they will be answerable<br />

to their local communities, as we have set out today<br />

with the introduction of the Police Reform and Social<br />

Responsibility Bill. Those forces should know the extent<br />

to which the operation of stop and account is a matter<br />

of particular local concern. They are best placed to<br />

analyse their own statistics and understand how they<br />

use the tactic and how it impacts on ethnic minority<br />

groups locally, and they should be held to account by<br />

their elected police and crime commissioners, with the<br />

scrutiny of new police and crime panels to ensure the<br />

proper use of such procedures.<br />

The Government understand that stop and search is<br />

a very different tool and is far more intrusive. It is right<br />

that its monitoring and use should continue, both nationally<br />

and at a local level. We are reducing the number of<br />

pieces of data to be completed on a stop-and-search<br />

record from 12 to seven, saving more than 300,000<br />

hours of officers’ time every year as well as reducing the<br />

duration of these encounters for those stopped and<br />

searched.<br />

My hon. Friend expressed concern about some of the<br />

pieces of data that will be removed. However, key<br />

information about each encounter will still be recorded,<br />

including the self-defined ethnicity of the person stopped,<br />

which is obviously the critical information, and we<br />

have made minor amendments to code A to encourage<br />

the further use of mobile technology to reduce even<br />

further the time taken to record each stop and search.<br />

The 12 recording requirements used during a stop-andsearch<br />

encounter will be reduced to seven: ethnicity, the<br />

object of the search, the grounds for the search, the<br />

identity of the officer carrying out the stop and search,<br />

the date, the time and the place. Such requirements do<br />

not prevent police officers from recording information<br />

that they feel would be useful intelligence, but it is not<br />

necessary as a Government requirement for such<br />

information to be held in a stop-and-search record.<br />

Our amendments to the guidance on the use of<br />

section 44 stop-and-search powers follow the Home<br />

Secretary’s announcement on 8 July, which curtailed the<br />

use of this power in the light of the judgment of the<br />

European Court of Human Rights in the case of Gillan<br />

and Quinton v. <strong>United</strong> <strong>Kingdom</strong>. My hon. Friend also<br />

raised issues around section 60 stop-and-search powers,<br />

both in terms of the guidance supporting officers’ use<br />

of this power, and the disproportionality figures that<br />

have been reported in the press recently.<br />

Let me assure my hon. Friend and all hon. Members<br />

that t<strong>here</strong> was never any intention on the part of the<br />

Government to encourage the use of ethnic profiling or<br />

unlawful discrimination in the use of this power—far<br />

from it. The original draft of the guidance contained<br />

wording that had been introduced in code A by the<br />

previous Government in 2003 in relation to the police’s<br />

use of section 44 powers. The original draft explained<br />

that all authorisations had to be supported by clear<br />

intelligence and that, on occasion, intelligence could<br />

suggest a possible suspect description that included<br />

characteristics such as race, age, sex and so on. However,<br />

it also stipulated that race should never be the sole<br />

reason for stopping someone under section 60.<br />

The guidance was evidently not clear enough and was<br />

misconstrued. We t<strong>here</strong>fore considered the responses to<br />

the statutory consultation and have redrafted the relevant<br />

paragraphs to include all protected characteristics under<br />

the Equality Act 2010. We have stated clearly that<br />

unlawful discrimination will not be tolerated.<br />

I must, however, warn against judging the use of a<br />

key tool such as section 60 purely on a national statistic.<br />

The figures cited in the press about black people being<br />

26 times more likely than white people to be stopped<br />

and searched under section 60 are potentially misleading<br />

if they are not examined a little more closely. In 2008-09,<br />

76% of all section 60 stops and searches were conducted<br />

by the Metropolitan Police Service in London. T<strong>here</strong>fore,<br />

to assess the use of that power against the national<br />

population’s ethnicity breakdown is deceptive. We need

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