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295WH<br />
PACE (Stop and Search)<br />
1 DECEMBER 2010<br />
PACE (Stop and Search)<br />
296WH<br />
[Nick Herbert]<br />
We are keen to ensure that officers strike the right<br />
balance between necessary bureaucracy for the sake of<br />
accountability—which is important—and irrelevant form<br />
filling that wastes the time of the police and the public,<br />
and impacts unduly on citizens going about their business<br />
by asking unnecessary questions.<br />
It is important to understand how policing, and the<br />
bureaucracy that surrounds it, impacts on community<br />
relations. Procedures such as stop and account and stop<br />
and search are most effective when local communities<br />
understand them and support their use. T<strong>here</strong> is a<br />
difference between stop and account and stop and<br />
search, and we must be mindful of ensuring that the<br />
processes associated with them are not confused. Stop<br />
and account is w<strong>here</strong> an individual is asked to account<br />
for their presence, actions and so on, but they are not<br />
searched. It can be one step on from the general<br />
conversations that officers have with members of the<br />
public every day. Stop and search clearly goes further<br />
than that. It is an intrusive procedure and t<strong>here</strong>fore a<br />
cause of more concern among local communities.<br />
Many of the proposed changes to the Police and<br />
Criminal Evidence Act 1984 code of practice A are<br />
necessary to reverse the increase in paperwork generated<br />
by the last Government. In our judgment, that paperwork<br />
hampers police operations and leads to encounters with<br />
the public that are ineffective, bureaucratised and poorly<br />
understood. We need officers on the street to record<br />
only information that is of value, and it may differ from<br />
situation to situation and from force to force. I do not<br />
want to see in place measures that discourage proper<br />
interaction between police officers and members of the<br />
public.<br />
Let me explain the rationale behind our stop-and-account<br />
proposals. The abolition of the national recording<br />
requirement for stop and account will potentially free<br />
up around 450,000 hours of police time, allowing officers<br />
to increase the quality—and shorten the duration—of<br />
these brief encounters, and enabling forces to be more<br />
responsive to the communities that they serve.<br />
I share my hon. Friend’s concerns about the level of<br />
disproportionality in the use of police powers. However,<br />
when the statistics for stop and account are examined<br />
more closely, it appears that it is not used in a<br />
disproportionate manner across England and Wales. It<br />
is also fair to say that t<strong>here</strong> is less concern about the<br />
operation of stop and account than t<strong>here</strong> is about stop<br />
and search. That is why we are removing fully the<br />
national requirement for recording stops and accounts,<br />
leaving local recording to a local decision w<strong>here</strong> a local<br />
need is identified.<br />
Individual police forces know their own communities<br />
better than Whitehall. Increasingly, they will be answerable<br />
to their local communities, as we have set out today<br />
with the introduction of the Police Reform and Social<br />
Responsibility Bill. Those forces should know the extent<br />
to which the operation of stop and account is a matter<br />
of particular local concern. They are best placed to<br />
analyse their own statistics and understand how they<br />
use the tactic and how it impacts on ethnic minority<br />
groups locally, and they should be held to account by<br />
their elected police and crime commissioners, with the<br />
scrutiny of new police and crime panels to ensure the<br />
proper use of such procedures.<br />
The Government understand that stop and search is<br />
a very different tool and is far more intrusive. It is right<br />
that its monitoring and use should continue, both nationally<br />
and at a local level. We are reducing the number of<br />
pieces of data to be completed on a stop-and-search<br />
record from 12 to seven, saving more than 300,000<br />
hours of officers’ time every year as well as reducing the<br />
duration of these encounters for those stopped and<br />
searched.<br />
My hon. Friend expressed concern about some of the<br />
pieces of data that will be removed. However, key<br />
information about each encounter will still be recorded,<br />
including the self-defined ethnicity of the person stopped,<br />
which is obviously the critical information, and we<br />
have made minor amendments to code A to encourage<br />
the further use of mobile technology to reduce even<br />
further the time taken to record each stop and search.<br />
The 12 recording requirements used during a stop-andsearch<br />
encounter will be reduced to seven: ethnicity, the<br />
object of the search, the grounds for the search, the<br />
identity of the officer carrying out the stop and search,<br />
the date, the time and the place. Such requirements do<br />
not prevent police officers from recording information<br />
that they feel would be useful intelligence, but it is not<br />
necessary as a Government requirement for such<br />
information to be held in a stop-and-search record.<br />
Our amendments to the guidance on the use of<br />
section 44 stop-and-search powers follow the Home<br />
Secretary’s announcement on 8 July, which curtailed the<br />
use of this power in the light of the judgment of the<br />
European Court of Human Rights in the case of Gillan<br />
and Quinton v. <strong>United</strong> <strong>Kingdom</strong>. My hon. Friend also<br />
raised issues around section 60 stop-and-search powers,<br />
both in terms of the guidance supporting officers’ use<br />
of this power, and the disproportionality figures that<br />
have been reported in the press recently.<br />
Let me assure my hon. Friend and all hon. Members<br />
that t<strong>here</strong> was never any intention on the part of the<br />
Government to encourage the use of ethnic profiling or<br />
unlawful discrimination in the use of this power—far<br />
from it. The original draft of the guidance contained<br />
wording that had been introduced in code A by the<br />
previous Government in 2003 in relation to the police’s<br />
use of section 44 powers. The original draft explained<br />
that all authorisations had to be supported by clear<br />
intelligence and that, on occasion, intelligence could<br />
suggest a possible suspect description that included<br />
characteristics such as race, age, sex and so on. However,<br />
it also stipulated that race should never be the sole<br />
reason for stopping someone under section 60.<br />
The guidance was evidently not clear enough and was<br />
misconstrued. We t<strong>here</strong>fore considered the responses to<br />
the statutory consultation and have redrafted the relevant<br />
paragraphs to include all protected characteristics under<br />
the Equality Act 2010. We have stated clearly that<br />
unlawful discrimination will not be tolerated.<br />
I must, however, warn against judging the use of a<br />
key tool such as section 60 purely on a national statistic.<br />
The figures cited in the press about black people being<br />
26 times more likely than white people to be stopped<br />
and searched under section 60 are potentially misleading<br />
if they are not examined a little more closely. In 2008-09,<br />
76% of all section 60 stops and searches were conducted<br />
by the Metropolitan Police Service in London. T<strong>here</strong>fore,<br />
to assess the use of that power against the national<br />
population’s ethnicity breakdown is deceptive. We need