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<strong>German</strong> Intellectuals, Unification, and National Identity<br />
ing self-referential ‘camp thinking’, Müller perhaps wrongs <strong>German</strong><br />
intellectuals. This sort of behaviour can be observed everywhere, and<br />
processes like these must be analysed separately. More justified is his<br />
point that the <strong>German</strong> intellectuals deeply distrust the <strong>German</strong> people.<br />
This is not, however, a specifically <strong>German</strong> feature. We need<br />
only think of �rench philosophers of the Enlightenment, such as<br />
Voltaire, and their disparaging opinion of the ‘common people’.<br />
Nevertheless, in <strong>German</strong>y the Right and the Left perhaps approach<br />
each other closely here. Mutatis mutandis, both hold the latent, or, on<br />
the Right, sometimes explicit, opinion that the ‘nation’ needs strong<br />
guidance. The Right advocates that this should be achieved by the<br />
state and institutions, the Left by morality linked with pedagogy.<br />
Both tend towards pessimism in their deep scepticism about the<br />
strength of social self-regulation, and both, finally, stand firmly in the<br />
sometimes lamentable <strong>German</strong> tradition of constructing national<br />
identity from above, quasi in closed session, without including the<br />
‘common people’—and sometimes even in opposition to them.<br />
Within the right-wing camp a negative anthropology is a basic theoretical<br />
assumption, but nor is the left-wing spectrum immune to such<br />
views. Intellectuals of the ‘sceptical generation’, such as Jürgen<br />
Habermas, subscribed to the values enshrined in the constitution.<br />
This faith in the constitution, which according to Müller was also<br />
conditioned by the experience of National Socialism, was anchored<br />
in a deep distrust of the people. One can only wonder what ‘constitutional<br />
patriotism’ should be. A ‘patriotism’ that by definition is critical<br />
of a majority of the population? A ‘patriotism’ that wants to be a<br />
teaching tool for the nation? One thing should, however, not be forgotten.<br />
Surveys of personal attitudes to National Socialism and Adolf<br />
Hitler as a statesman justify a certain scepticism about the democratic<br />
sense of the average <strong>German</strong> well into the 1960s.<br />
Reading Müller’s book, one gains the impression that <strong>German</strong><br />
writers and intellectuals possess a lineage going far beyond the period<br />
under investigation in this book. In this lineage, which began during<br />
the Enlightenment and Romanticism, they saw themselves as a<br />
new caste of priests, uncoupled from the real world and largely alien<br />
to the population, creating visions of nationality in which the superficial<br />
phenomena of the vulgar world had no place. Their constructions<br />
of national identity were exclusive, morally highly rigorous,<br />
and of a barely comprehensible aesthetic artificiality. Many of these<br />
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