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Download - German Historical Institute London

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British–<strong>German</strong> Relations since 1945<br />

sources in many European archives. In any case, the editors are content<br />

to close a gap in the literature which they see in the lack of an<br />

interdisciplinary treatment by historians and social scientists of the<br />

bilateral relationship between the two countries in the European context.<br />

To fill this gap, they have divided the book into three sections.<br />

The first deals with the bilateral relations between Britain and West<br />

<strong>German</strong>y as well as the GDR between the end of the Second World<br />

War and <strong>German</strong> unification in 1989–90. The four essays in the second<br />

section address the importance of institution-building and foreign<br />

and security policy for Britain and <strong>German</strong>y during the 1990s.<br />

The third section, finally, concerns the economic and social questions<br />

of industrial modernization, economic policy-making, and social<br />

engineering at a time of increasing globalization. The latter, rather<br />

than the conventional security issues, have so far dominated the<br />

political agenda of the European Union and its member states. Thus<br />

a multinational framework of analysis seems especially appropriate.<br />

The first essay, by Anne Deighton, gives a reliable overview of the<br />

relationship between Britain and West <strong>German</strong>y until British accession<br />

to the European Communities. She argues, with some justification,<br />

that British and West <strong>German</strong> governments had different concepts<br />

of ‘power relations’ (p. 33). British attitudes to the West <strong>German</strong><br />

governments were based ‘on control, dominance, and alliance diplomacy’,<br />

whereas West <strong>German</strong> European policy pursued ‘national<br />

interests’ by ‘sharing power’ inside European institutions (p. 34).<br />

Deighton implicitly acknowledges the influence of ‘soft’ factors like<br />

historical experience and national images for the policy-making<br />

process, and also the role of economic motives behind the integration<br />

project. Yet this is a highly traditional treatment of the diplomatic<br />

relations between two national governments, which is hardly integrated<br />

into the respective domestic political contexts. Deighton does<br />

not even acknowledge how problematic it is to speak of supposedly<br />

‘<strong>German</strong>’ ‘national interests’ when the nation was in fact divided and<br />

Adenauer’s policy of Western integration highly contested in West<br />

<strong>German</strong> politics, at least until 1955–7. As she does not read <strong>German</strong><br />

and therefore has no access to anything published in the <strong>German</strong> language,<br />

her chapter also illustrates the inadequacy of writing about<br />

bilateral relations from a unilateral perspective. Deighton suggests,<br />

for example, that Adenauer suddenly switched from an ‘Atlanticist’<br />

to a ‘Gaullist’ perspective in the autumn of 1962 (p. 28), when West<br />

95

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