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self admits, the celebration of classical Antiquity in Weimar had little<br />
in common with the intellectual predilections in �ranz’s principality.<br />
A shared interest in conserving the political order of the Old Reich,<br />
which has long been recognized by scholars as Reichspatriotismus<br />
(imperial patriotism), could not and—at least as far as the princes of<br />
other small state were concerned—was not intended to overcome<br />
cultural differences. Yet it is exactly this amalgamation of political<br />
and intellectual concerns that constitutes the specific nature of<br />
Umbach’s form of Enlightenment. Until it can be shown that the<br />
same set of ideas was prevalent in a number of small states, it is premature<br />
to speak of a ‘<strong>German</strong> federal Enlightenment’ (p. 191).<br />
Although the book does not prove Umbach’s case, it has much to<br />
offer. It (re)discovers the symbolic language of the Enlightenment<br />
and indicates what historians could gain from examining it. Umbach’s<br />
great strength is her ability to show that the late Enlightenment<br />
was more multi-faceted and complex than social historians<br />
have led us to believe. Although some of her arguments seem rather<br />
far-fetched and she at times jumps to conclusions, Umbach nevertheless<br />
succeeds in destroying the doctrinaire character usually associated<br />
with the last phase of the Age of Reason. Instead she unearths<br />
strands like sentimentality which, despite their irrational feel, were<br />
compatible with other aspects like improvement and practicality. The<br />
image of the late Enlightenment thus becomes more intricate, stressing<br />
the co-existence of different traditions in an almost postmodern<br />
way and relegating the old image of sterile and one-dimensional utilitarianism<br />
to the dustbin. This re-evaluation, however, is only made<br />
possible by investigating ‘the multi-layered visual language of the<br />
late Enlightenment’ (p. 144).<br />
Umbach’s approach, however, runs into difficulties as soon as she<br />
claims that this visual language was exclusive to small states. In<br />
Prussia, for instance, Lenné’s early nineteenth-century garden programme<br />
can be read in similar ways, as becomes clear from her own<br />
account. The same applies to the English Garden in Munich, created<br />
in the 1790s. �urthermore, in the case of officials in Berlin, designs for<br />
a monument provided the medium for a discussion of the nature of<br />
the Prussian state, as we learned from Hellmuth’s essay. The visual<br />
code was therefore a universal language, which in principle could be<br />
applied by everyone and was suitable for different cultural and political<br />
purposes. The garden landscape of Wörlitz was only one of many<br />
55<br />
A War of Words?