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This method sharpens our insight into the origins of texts and ideas.<br />

The section on Alsted’s millenarianism is a good example. Hotson<br />

demonstrates that Alsted became a millenarian only as the result of<br />

complicated interactions between scholarly interests and political<br />

experiences. Theological and philosophical (hermetic) reading reacted<br />

with political circumstances (the experience of war in the 1620s) to<br />

convince Alsted, who until then had expected the end of the world to<br />

be imminent, that a thousand-year reign of peace on earth would<br />

begin in 1694.<br />

Alsted is particularly well-suited to being read as an exemplary<br />

figure: ‘Alsted is not the greatest theologian of the second reformation,<br />

its greatest philosopher, its most radical hermeticist, its leading<br />

polemicist, or its most successful irenicist; but he, more than anyone<br />

else, unites all the conflicting tendencies of the movement within himself’<br />

(p. 228). His early programme of a ‘reformation of the individual,<br />

conceived as the restoration of the image of divine perfection to each<br />

of the human faculties through an encyclopedic education’ (p. 222),<br />

was based on his reading of heterogeneous texts and owes much to<br />

the fact that he came to grips with a number of very different philosophical<br />

traditions and directions: Petrus Ramus (Pierre de la Ramée),<br />

Bartholomäus Keckermann, and Giordano Bruno (whose Artificium<br />

perorandi Alsted edited), Lullism, hermeticism, and alchemy.<br />

After 1612, Alsted’s ambitious pansophical programme was gradually<br />

scaled back. Its basic assumption of the perfectibility of<br />

mankind was directly opposed to the Calvinist doctrine that human<br />

reason was not the path to salvation. In 1618–9 the Synod of Dort<br />

(Dortrecht) enshrined the inadequacy of human reason as dogma.<br />

Alsted took part in the synod, along with Johann Biesterfeld of<br />

Siegen, as the representative of the Wetterau counts. On his return to<br />

Herborn, he was appointed professor of theology. According to<br />

Hotson, Alsted’s rise through the theology faculty was not the only<br />

reason for the disappearance of Lullism, hermeticism, and alchemy<br />

from his publications. He suggests that the debates and unrest precipitated<br />

by the publication of the Rosicrucian manifestos, and the<br />

outbreak of the Thirty Years War, which polarized the confessional<br />

parties, also played an important part. Alsted’s reform programme<br />

was predicated on harmony and the quiet power of persuasion, not<br />

on confrontation and polarization. Alsted was not a radical thinker;<br />

when the times became unfavourable for his irenicism, he retreated<br />

65<br />

Johann Heinrich Alsted

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