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KLAUS LARRES with ELIZABETH MEEHAN (eds), Uneasy Allies:<br />

British–<strong>German</strong> Relations and European Integration since 1945 (Oxford:<br />

Oxford University Press, 2000), xvi + 344 pp. ISBN 0 19 829383 6.<br />

£50.00<br />

The history of bilateral relationships in Western Europe after 1945<br />

can only sensibly be written within the context of European institutionalization<br />

as a result of the integration process. Traditional ‘realist’<br />

diplomatic accounts, which place exclusive emphasis on governments<br />

and ‘national’ interests and which largely see international<br />

relations as the outcome of power relationships dominated by security<br />

issues are totally inadequate for the analysis of post-war (West)<br />

European relations. Once inside European institutions from the<br />

European Coal and Steel Community to the current European Union,<br />

national governments have had to operate within an intricate web of<br />

governmental and transnational relationships and to acknowledge<br />

European responsibility for more and more policy areas which can<br />

still be discussed, but not regulated at a bilateral level. If this is the<br />

case even for the �ranco–<strong>German</strong> relationship, which was particularly<br />

close and crucial for Western Europe and the integration process<br />

at many junctures in post-war European history, it is all the more true<br />

for the relationship between (West) <strong>German</strong>y and Britain. After all,<br />

Britain was comparatively marginal to post-war Western Europe<br />

even after the first enlargement of the then European Communities<br />

in 1973 to include Britain, Ireland, and Denmark. The editors of this<br />

book, therefore, are right to place the bilateral relationship between<br />

(West) <strong>German</strong>y and Britain in the wider context of European integration.<br />

It could, of course, be said that if almost all relations in Europe are<br />

now of a multilateral character, and if European politics should be<br />

treated more and more like domestic politics, as many comparativists<br />

have increasingly argued in the theoretical debate about the integration<br />

process, the discussion of bilateral relationships with a strong<br />

contemporary focus, as in this book, is altogether superfluous. This<br />

would be too drastic a view, however, especially given that so few<br />

historians and political scientists have an adequate grasp of the integration<br />

process and its theoretical explanations which goes beyond<br />

the acknowledgement that the EU matters; or, in the case of contemporary<br />

historians, have the linguistic ability to access the varied<br />

94

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