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Russia's European Agenda and The Baltic States - Defence ...

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RUSSIA’S EUROPEAN AGENDA AND THE BALTIC STATES<br />

in the UN Security Council over Kosovo <strong>and</strong> Iran, the unsolved murders of Alex<strong>and</strong>er<br />

Litvinenko <strong>and</strong> Anna Politkovskaya, Russia appears to be on a collision course. Even<br />

in the areas where Russia <strong>and</strong> the West have cooperated closely – against terrorism<br />

<strong>and</strong> proliferation of weapons of mass destruction – suddenly seem like sources of<br />

confrontation as much as collaboration. A declaration by Russia’s top general that<br />

Russia could withdraw from the Intermediate-Range Nuclear Forces Treaty, portends<br />

the opposite. Clearly, the honeymoon is over, dead <strong>and</strong> buried. It is hardly the end<br />

of history, but rather continuation of an old <strong>and</strong> tasking game. <strong>The</strong>refore a realistic<br />

reassessment of the relationship is in order. At the same time, the United <strong>States</strong> <strong>and</strong><br />

Europe should avoid a rhetorical confrontation with Russia. Deeds, not words, are<br />

necessary to send a message to the Kremlin that they will continue cooperation with<br />

Russia on the issues of mutual concern, such as anti-terrorism, non-proliferation<br />

<strong>and</strong> energy. Positive change in Russia can only come from within <strong>and</strong> it is likely<br />

that economic realities, namely the growth of capitalism in Russia <strong>and</strong> openness to<br />

the outside world, rather than democratic st<strong>and</strong>ards, will be the key drivers for that<br />

change.<br />

Russia’s <strong>European</strong> Policy<br />

Since Gorbachev unleashed glasnost <strong>and</strong> perestroika, it was tacitly understood that<br />

Russia’s goal was to become like Europe. However, these hopes have not come true.<br />

Quite the reverse, their increasing interdependence is contributing not to a diminution<br />

of tension, as was initially thought, but to an increased tension. <strong>The</strong>re appeared two<br />

troubling trends in Russian-<strong>European</strong> relations. Firstly, while Russia <strong>and</strong> Europe drift<br />

closer to one another in the economic sphere, the two sides’ underst<strong>and</strong>ing of basic<br />

democratic values <strong>and</strong> rule of law continues to diverge. Secondly, Russia finds it more<br />

difficult to defend her interests in the enlarged <strong>European</strong> Union, as she has to deal<br />

with the more cohesive international organization rather than separate states. Russia<br />

views bilateralism instrumentally, as a way of exploiting her ‘strategic partnerships’<br />

to advance Russian interests in Europe. <strong>The</strong>refore Russia seems as eager as ever<br />

to resort to the old tactics of divide-<strong>and</strong>-rule: even when Putin meets with the EU<br />

as a single entity, he still prefers to do business with the <strong>European</strong> leaders one-onone,<br />

cutting advantageous bargains with individual EU countries. This particularly<br />

applies to Russia’s relations with Germany: by using its close relations with Berlin<br />

Moscow seeks to develop its ‘strategic partnership’ with the <strong>European</strong> Union.<br />

Russia’s agenda in Europe concerns the question of the fundamental<br />

orientation of Russia herself, encompassing a specific culture <strong>and</strong> civilisation. This<br />

largely gives a reasoning for putting ‘Europe first’ in Russia’s foreign policy. In a more<br />

narrow sense, it consists of making Europe instrumental for Russia’s transformation:<br />

it is mainly in Europe that markets <strong>and</strong> potential investment lie. <strong>The</strong> <strong>European</strong> Union<br />

is an indispensable anchor for Russia in Europe. <strong>The</strong> two key factors that make<br />

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