Russia's European Agenda and The Baltic States - Defence ...
Russia's European Agenda and The Baltic States - Defence ...
Russia's European Agenda and The Baltic States - Defence ...
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RUSSIA’S EUROPEAN AGENDA AND THE BALTIC STATES<br />
the Kaliningrad’s problems in substance. On the other h<strong>and</strong>, Russia, by escalating<br />
the Kaliningrad problem, uses it as a blackmailing tool (‘geopolitical hostage’) in<br />
order to get concessions in other areas of Russia-NATO <strong>and</strong>, particularly, Russia-<br />
EU relations. Such tendencies are very unfavourable for Lithuania, since she is<br />
eliminated from the solution of the Kaliningrad-related issues <strong>and</strong> becomes a<br />
potential hostage of an agreement between Russia <strong>and</strong> Germany (<strong>and</strong> eventually<br />
the EU).<br />
That said, one of the major tasks of Lithuanian policy vis-à-vis Kaliningrad<br />
is to restrict Russia’s possibilities to exploit the Kaliningrad issue on a bilateral level<br />
among large <strong>European</strong> powers. <strong>The</strong> solution of the Kaliningrad-related problems<br />
should be sought on a local or regional level. In other words, the elimination of the<br />
Kaliningrad issue from a bilateral big-power level should correlate with a growing<br />
influence of Lithuania, Pol<strong>and</strong> <strong>and</strong> other regional players (the Nordic states) in<br />
solving questions related to the political <strong>and</strong> economic status of the oblast. <strong>The</strong> task<br />
for Lithuania, by acting jointly with Pol<strong>and</strong>, is to consolidate her participation in<br />
decision-making process vis-à-vis Kaliningrad. This is the first necessary condition<br />
when seeking the balanced development of the oblast. <strong>The</strong> second condition is<br />
the transformation of the Kaliningrad oblast to a ‘pilot’ region: this would create<br />
conditions for geopolitical change <strong>and</strong> encourage the oblast’s move towards<br />
political autonomy. Moreover, the concept of a ‘pilot’ region should be based on<br />
the creation of favourable economic environment for foreign investments in the<br />
oblast (as a free economic zone), the penetration of Western capital <strong>and</strong> the increase<br />
of transit importance of the region. Finally, the third condition – demilitarisation of<br />
Kaliningrad would weaken ‘centripetal’ tendencies in the oblast, i.e. its dependence<br />
on the federal centre.<br />
It is possible to affirm that Russia <strong>and</strong> the EU comm<strong>and</strong> sufficient political<br />
<strong>and</strong> economic power to turn the Kaliningrad region to a successful model of Russia-<br />
EU cooperation – a ‘pilot’ region. It is equally obvious that a key condition for<br />
such a transformation is liberalisation of Russian policies in both economic <strong>and</strong><br />
political sectors. On the other h<strong>and</strong>, current actions of the federal centre show that<br />
critical changes in its policies vis-à-vis Kaliningrad, at least in a short-term, are<br />
hardly possible: Moscow takes priority of the political centralisation of the state,<br />
which implies the political subordination of the region. This sets the goal for the<br />
<strong>Baltic</strong> <strong>States</strong>, particularly for Lithuania: when decreasing Kaliningrad’s vertical<br />
subordination to the federal centre, to engage the oblast, as much as possible, in the<br />
EU space.<br />
<strong>The</strong> achievement of this goal would require the implementation of the<br />
following tasks:<br />
• First, in order to achieve solidarity among EU states vis-à-vis Kaliningrad, it<br />
is necessary that the Kaliningrad question should be considered at EU-level,<br />
not at a bilateral level of big <strong>European</strong> powers;<br />
• Second, to initiate projects that would involve the oblast in the networks<br />
of<strong>European</strong> infrastructure;<br />
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