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Edna Erez and Anat Berko
Interviewed community representatives echoed this judgment in their views on
Palestinian women in terrorism. They referred to these women as “not disciplined,”
and as involved in activities that “are not for women.” They all agreed that women
who engage in terrorism “are not from good families” and that they “do not know
what their role in the family and Palestinian society is.” These interviewees argued
that Palestinian women should contribute to the national wellbeing by “becoming
teachers, nurses, particularly those working in hospitals.” Women who get
involved in terrorism, according to the interviewees, have abdicated their primary
role of “raising and educating children.”
The women interviewed indeed expressed concern that they would not be able to
marry or have children upon their release. They also articulated fears that their
biological clocks were ticking, and that the time spent incarcerated would impede
them from being able to achieve a staple of womanhood – the bearing of children.
As one woman explained, a long (10-15 years) prison sentence is more difficult for
a woman compared to man because “…A woman is not like a man. It is important
how old she is because it is difficult for her to build her life and look at the future if
she is older than thirty.”
Community representatives and leaders voiced other worries about possible
adverse effects of prison on women. They were concerned that women who spend
time outside the ambit of family control may have an elevated assessment of their
social worth or capabilities: “every woman that has been in prison then thinks she
can become somebody.” They were likewise worried that allowing women to
challenge established gender roles may threaten the Palestinian social fabric:
“women should not get involved in terrorism, does she want to be a man” 34
The women interviewees developed a number of coping mechanisms for their time
in prison. Many addressed the void in authority and missing guidance in their lives
by submitting to the orders of a self-appointed prisoner leader who would dictate
what they could do and with whom they could socialize in prison. Several women
spoke with admiration about the advice, counsel and comfort they received from
this leader in times of need. There had been a down side to this patronage, though;
those failing to respect this leader’s authority could be subject to an orchestrated
retaliatory attack in which boiling margarine with melted sugar were thrown onto
their faces and bodies.
Several women became religious or reborn Muslim in prison, praying daily and
replacing western clothing with traditional Muslim garments. Others coped through
crying, keeping a diary, or engaging in religious or general studies in their own
groups. Women also reported engaging in other forms of self-improvement. One
woman described: “We prepare a warm drink and we talk. We take a book and
discuss it. We discuss not only religion but also history and politics.” These
interactions not only sustained the women and provided much needed mutual
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